MEXICO.

1843
THE HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO
by William Hickling Prescott
BOOK I: INTRODUCTION
View of the Aztec Civilisation

Chapter I

ANCIENT MEXICO- ITS CLIMATE AND ITS PRODUCTS-
ITS PRIMITIVE RACES- AZTEC EMPIRE

THE country of the ancient Mexicans, or Aztecs as they were
called, formed but a very small part of the extensive territories
comprehended in the modern republic of Mexico. Its boundaries cannot
be defined with certainty. They were much enlarged in the latter
days of the empire, when they may be considered as reaching from about
the eighteenth degree north to the twenty-first on the Atlantic; and
from the fourteenth to the nineteenth, including a very narrow
strip, on the Pacific. In its greatest breadth, it could not exceed
five degrees and a half, dwindling, as it approached its south-eastern
limits, to less than two. It covered, probably, less than sixteen
thousand square leagues. Yet, such is the remarkable formation of this
country, that though not more than twice as large as New England, it
presented every variety of climate, and was capable of yielding nearly
every fruit found between the equator and. the Arctic circle.
All along the Atlantic the country is bordered by a broad tract,
called the tierra caliente, or hot region, which has the usual high
temperature of equinoctial lands. Parched and sandy plains are
intermingled with others of exuberant fertility, almost impervious
from thickets of aromatic shrubs and wild flowers, in the midst of
which tower up trees of that magnificent growth which is found only
within the tropics. In this wilderness of sweets lurks the fatal
malaria, engendered, probably, by the decomposition of rank
vegetable substances in a hot and humid soil. The season of the
bilious fever,- vomito, as it is called,- which scourges these coasts,
continues from the spring to the autumnal equinox, when it is
checked by the cold winds that descend from Hudson's Bay. These
winds in the winter season frequently freshen into tempests, and,
sweeping down the Atlantic coast and the winding Gulf of Mexico, burst
with the fury of a hurricane on its unprotected shores, and on the
neighbouring West India islands. Such are the mighty spells with which
Nature has surrounded this land of enchantment, as if to guard the
golden treasures locked up within its bosom. The genius and enterprise
of man have proved more potent than her spells.
After passing some twenty leagues across this burning region,
the traveller finds himself rising into a purer atmosphere. His
limbs recover their elasticity. He breathes more freely, for his
senses are not now oppressed by the sultry heats and intoxicating
perfumes of the valley. The aspect of nature, too, has changed, and
his eye no longer revels among the gay variety of colours with which
the landscape was painted there. The vanilla, the indigo, and the
flowering cocoa-groves disappear as he advances. The sugar-cane and
the glossy-leaved banana still accompany him; and, when he has
ascended about four thousand feet, he sees in the unchanging
verdure, and the rich foliage of the liquid-amber tree, that he has
reached the height where clouds and mists settle, in their passage
from the Mexican Gulf. This is the region of perpetual humidity; but
he welcomes it with pleasure, as announcing his escape from the
influence of the deadly vomito. He has entered the tierra templada, or
temperate region, whose character resembles that of the temperate zone
of the globe. The features of the scenery become grand, and even
terrible. His road sweeps along the base of mighty mountains, once
gleaming with volcanic fires, and still resplendent in their mantles
of snow, which serve as beacons to the mariner, for many a league at
sea. All around he beholds traces of their ancient combustion, as
his road passes along vast tracts of lava, bristling in the
innumerable fantastic forms into which the fiery torrent has been
thrown by the obstacles in its career. Perhaps, at the same moment, as
he casts his eye down some steep slope, or almost unfathomable ravine,
on the margin of the road, he sees their depths glowing with the
rich blooms and enamelled vegetation of the tropics. Such are the
singular contrasts presented, at the same time, to the senses, in this
picturesque region!
Still pressing upwards, the traveller mounts into other climates
favourable to other kinds of cultivation. The yellow maize, or
Indian corn, as we usually call it, has continued to follow him up
from the lowest level; but he now first sees fields of wheat, and
the other European grains, brought into the country by the conquerors.
Mingled with them he views the plantations of the aloe or maguey
(agave Americana), applied to such various and important uses by the
Aztecs. The oaks now acquire a sturdier growth, and the dark forests
of pine announce that he has entered the tierra fria, or cold
region, the third and last of the great natural terraces into which
the country is divided. When he has climbed to the height of between
seven and eight thousand feet, the weary traveller sets his foot on
the summit of the Cordillera of the Andes,- the colossal range that,
after traversing South America and the Isthmus of Darien, spreads out,
as it enters Mexico, into that vast sheet of tableland which maintains
an elevation of more than six thousand feet, for the distance of
nearly two hundred leagues, until it gradually declines in the
higher latitudes of the north.
Across this mountain rampart a chain of volcanic hills
stretches, in a westerly direction, of still more stupendous
dimensions, forming, indeed, some of the highest land on the globe.
Their peaks, entering the limits of perpetual snow, diffuse a grateful
coolness over the elevated plateaus below; for these last, though
termed "cold," enjoy a climate, the mean temperature of which is not
lower than that of the central parts of Italy. The air is
exceedingly dry; the soil, though naturally good, is rarely clothed
with the luxuriant vegetation of the lower regions. It frequently,
indeed, has a parched and barren aspect, owing partly to the greater
evaporation which takes place on these lofty plains, through the
diminished pressure of the atmosphere; and partly, no doubt, to the
want of trees to shelter the soil from the fierce influence of the
summer sun. In the time of the Aztecs, the tableland was thickly
covered with larch, oak, cypress, and other forest trees, the
extraordinary dimensions of some of which, remaining to the present
day, show that the curse of barrenness in later times is chargeable
more on man than on nature. Indeed the early Spaniards made as
indiscriminate war on the forests as did our Puritan ancestors, though
with much less reason. After once conquering the country, they had
no lurking ambush to fear from the submissive semi-civilised Indian,
and were not, like our forefathers, obliged to keep watch and ward for
a century. This spoliation of the ground, however, is said to have
been pleasing to their imaginations, as it reminded them of the plains
of their own Castile,- the tableland of Europe; where the nakedness of
the landscape forms the burden of every traveller's lament, who visits
that country.
Midway across the continent, somewhat nearer the Pacific than
the Atlantic ocean, at an elevation of nearly seven thousand five
hundred feet, is the celebrated Valley of Mexico. It is of an oval
form, about sixty-seven leagues in circumference, and is encompassed
by a towering rampart of porphyritic rock, which nature seems to
have provided, though ineffectually, to protect it from invasion.
The soil, once carpeted with a beautiful verdure and thickly
sprinkled with stately trees, is often bare, and, in many places,
white with the incrustation of salts, caused by the draining of the
waters. Five lakes are spread over the Valley, occupying one tenth
of its surface. On the opposite borders of the largest of these
basins, much shrunk in its dimensions since the days of the Aztecs,
stood the cities of Mexico and Tezcuco, the capitals of the two most
potent and flourishing states of Anahuac, whose history, with that
of the mysterious races that preceded them in the country, exhibits
some of the nearest approaches to civilisation to be met with
anciently on the North American continent.
Of these races the most conspicuous were the Toltecs. Advancing
from a northerly direction, but from what region is uncertain, they
entered the territory of Anahuac, probably before the close of the
seventh century. Of course, little can be gleaned, with certainty,
respecting a people whose written records have perished, and who are
known to us only through the traditionary legends of the nations
that succeeded them. By the general agreement of these, however, the
Toltecs were well instructed in agriculture, and many of the most
useful mechanic arts; were nice workers of metals; invented the
complex arrangement of time adopted by the Aztecs; and, in short, were
the true fountains of the civilisation which distinguished this part
of the continent in later times. They established their capital at
Tula, north of the Mexican Valley, and the remains of extensive
buildings were to be discerned there at the time of the Conquest.
The noble ruins of religious and other edifices, still to be seen in
various parts of New Spain, are referred to this people, whose name,
Toltec, has passed into a synonym for architect. Their shadowy history
reminds us of those primitive races, who preceded the ancient
Egyptians in the march of civilisation; fragments of whose
monuments, as they are seen at this day, incorporated with the
buildings of the Egyptians themselves, give to these latter the
appearance of almost modern constructions.
After a period of four centuries, the Toltecs, who had extended
their sway over the remotest borders of Anahuac, having been greatly
reduced, it is said, by famine, pestilence, and unsuccessful wars,
disappeared from the land as silently and mysteriously as they had
entered it. A few of them still lingered behind, but much the
greater number, probably, spread over the region of Central America
and the neighbouring isles; and the traveller now speculates on the
majestic ruins of Mitla and Palenque as possibly the work of this
extraordinary people.
After the lapse of another hundred years, a numerous and rude
tribe, called the Chichemecs, entered the deserted country from the
regions of the far North-west. They were speedily followed by other
races, of higher civilisation, perhaps of the same family with the
Toltecs, whose language they appear to have spoken. The most noted
of these were the Aztecs, or Mexicans, and the Acolhuans. The
latter, better known in later times by the name of Tezcucans, from
their capital, Tezcuco, on the eastern border of the Mexican lake,
were peculiarly fitted, by their comparatively mild religion and
manners, for receiving the tincture of civilisation which could be
derived from the few Toltecs that still remained in the country. This,
in their turn, they communicated to the barbarous Chichemees, a
large portion of whom became amalgamated with the new settlers as
one nation.
Availing themselves of the strength derived, not only from the
increase of numbers, but from their own superior refinement, the
Acolhuans gradually stretched their empire over the ruder tribes in
the north; while their capital was filled with a numerous
population, busily employed in many of the more useful and even
elegant arts of a civilised community. In this palmy state, they
were suddenly assaulted by a warlike neighbour, the Tepanecs, their
own kindred, and inhabitants of the same valley as themselves. Their
provinces were overrun, their armies beaten, their king
assassinated, and the flourishing city of Tezcuco became the prize
of the victor. From this abject condition the uncommon abilities of
the young prince Nezahualcoyotl, the rightful heir to the crown,
backed by the efficient aid of his Mexican allies, at length
redeemed the state, and opened to it a new career of prosperity,
even more brilliant than the former.
The Mexicans, with whom our history is principally concerned, came
also, as we have seen, from the remote regions of the north,- the
populous hive of nations in the New World, as it has been in the
Old. They arrived on the borders of Anahuac towards the beginning of
the thirteenth century, some time after the occupation of the land
by the kindred races. For a long time they did not establish
themselves in any permanent residence; but continued shifting their
quarters to different parts of the Mexican Valley, enduring all the
casualties and hardships of a migratory life. On one occasion, they
were enslaved by a more powerful tribe; but their ferocity soon made
them formidable to their masters. After a series of wanderings and
adventures, which need not shrink from comparison with the most
extravagant legends of the heroic ages of antiquity, they at length
halted on the south-western borders of the principal lake, in the year
1325. They there beheld, perched on the stem of a prickly pear,
which shot out from the crevice of a rock that was washed by the
waves, a royal eagle of extraordinary size and beauty, with a
serpent in his talons, and his broad wings open to the rising sun.
They hailed the auspicious omen, announced by an oracle as
indicating the site of their future city, and laid its foundations
by sinking piles into the shallows; for the low marshes were half
buried under water. On these they erected their light fabrics of reeds
and rushes; and sought a precarious subsistence from fishing, and from
the wild fowl which frequented the waters, as well as from the
cultivation of such simple vegetables as they could raise on their
floating gardens. The place was called Tenochtitlan, though only known
to Europeans by its other name of Mexico, derived from their
war-god, Mexitli. The legend of its foundation is still further
commemorated by the device of the eagle and the cactus, which form the
arms of the modern Mexican republic. Such were the humble beginnings
of the Venice of the Western World.
The forlorn condition of the new settlers was made still worse
by domestic feuds. A part of the citizens seceded from the main
body, and formed a separate community on the neighbouring marshes.
Thus divided, it was long before they could aspire to the
acquisition of territory on the main land. They gradually increased,
however, in numbers, and strengthened themselves yet more by various
improvements in their polity and military discipline, while they
established a reputation for courage as well as cruelty in war,
which made their name terrible throughout the Valley. In the early
part of the fifteenth century, nearly a hundred years from the
foundation of the city, an event took place which created an entire
revolution in the circumstances, and, to some extent, in the character
of the Aztecs. This was the subversion of the Tezcucan monarchy by the
Tepanecs, already noticed. When the oppressive conduct of the
victors had at length aroused a spirit of resistance, its prince,
Nezahualcoyotl, succeeded, after incredible perils and escapes, in
mustering such a force, as, with the aid of the Mexicans, placed him
on a level with his enemies. In two successive battles these were
defeated with great slaughter, their chief slain, and their territory,
by one of those sudden reverses which characterise the wars of petty
states, passed into the hands of the conquerors. It was awarded to
Mexico, in return for its important services.
Then was formed that remarkable league, which, indeed, has no
parallel in history. It was agreed between the states of Mexico,
Tezcuco, and the neighbouring little kingdom of Tlacopan, that they
should mutually support each other in their wars, offensive and
defensive, and that, in the distribution of the spoil, one fifth
should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in
what proportions is uncertain, between the other powers. The
Tezcucan writers claim an equal share for their nation with the
Aztecs. But this does not seem to be warranted by the immense increase
of territory subsequently appropriated by the latter. And we may
account for any advantage conceded to them by the treaty, on the
supposition, that however inferior they may have been originally, they
were, at the time of making it, in a more prosperous condition than
their allies, broken and dispirited by long oppression. What is more
extraordinary than the treaty itself, however, is the fidelity with
which it was maintained. During a century of uninterrupted warfare
that ensued, no instance occurred where the parties quarrelled over
the division of the spoil, which so often makes shipwreck of similar
confederacies among civilised states.
The allies for some time found sufficient occupation for their
arms in their own valley; but they soon overleaped its rocky ramparts,
and by the middle of the fifteenth century, under the first Montezuma,
had spread down the sides of the tableland to the borders of the
Gulf of Mexico. Tenochtitlan, the Aztec capital, gave evidence of
the public prosperity. Its frail tenements were supplanted by solid
structures of stone and lime. Its population rapidly increased. Its
old feuds were healed. The citizens who had seceded were again brought
under a common government with the body, and the quarter they occupied
was permanently connected with the parent city; the dimensions of
which, covering the same ground, were much larger than those of the
modern capital.
Fortunately, the throne was filled by a succession of able
princes, who knew how to profit by their enlarged resources and by the
martial enthusiasm of the nation. Year after year saw them return,
loaded with the spoils of conquered cities, and with throngs of
devoted captives, to their capital. No state was able long to resist
the accumulated strength of the confederates. At the beginning of
the sixteenth century, just before the arrival of the Spaniard, the
Aztec dominion reached across the continent from the Atlantic to the
Pacific; and, under the bold and bloody Ahuitzotl, its arms had been
carried far over the limits already noticed as defining its
permanent territory, into the farthest corners of Guatemala and
Nicaragua. This extent of empire, however limited in comparison with
that of many other states, is truly wonderful, considering it as the
acquisition of a people whose whole population and resources had so
recently been comprised within the walls of their own petty city;
and considering, moreover, that the conquered territory was thickly
settled by various races, bred to arms like the Mexicans, and little
inferior to them in social organisation. The history of the Aztecs
suggests some strong points of resemblance to that of the ancient
Romans, not only in their military successes, but in the policy
which led to them.
Chapter II

SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN- AZTEC NOBILITY- JUDICIAL SYSTEM-
LAWS AND REVENUES- MILITARY INSTITUTIONS

THE form of government differed in the different states of
Anahuac. With the Aztecs and Tezcucans it was monarchical and nearly
absolute. I shall direct my inquiries to the Mexican polity, borrowing
an illustration occasionally from that of the rival kingdom.
The government was an elective monarchy. Four of the principal
nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the preceding
reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were added, with
merely an honorary rank, however, the two royal allies of Tezcuco
and Tlacopan. The sovereign was selected from the brothers of the
deceased prince, or, in default of them, from his nephews. Thus the
election was always restricted to the same family. The candidate
preferred must have distinguished himself in war, though, as in the
case of the last Montezuma, he were a member of the priesthood. This
singular mode of supplying the throne had some advantages. The
candidates received an education which fitted them for the royal
dignity, while the age at which they were chosen not only secured
the nation against the evils of minority, but afforded ample means for
estimating their qualifications for the office. The result, at all
events, was favourable; since the throne, as already noticed, was
filled by a succession of able princes, well qualified to rule over
a warlike and ambitious people. The scheme of election, however
defective, argues a more refined and calculating policy than was to
have been expected from a barbarous nation.
The new monarch was installed in his regal dignity with much
parade of religious ceremony; but not until, by a victorious campaign,
he had obtained a sufficient number of captives to grace his triumphal
entry into the capital, and to furnish victims for the dark and bloody
rites which stained the Aztec superstition. Amidst this pomp of
human sacrifice he was crowned. The crown, resembling a mitre in its
form, and curiously ornamented with gold, gems, and feathers, was
placed on his head by the lord of Tezcuco, the most powerful of his
royal allies. The title of King, by which the earlier Aztec princes
are distinguished by Spanish writers, is supplanted by that of Emperor
in the later reigns, intimating, perhaps, his superiority over the
monarchies of Tlacopan and Tezcuco.
The Aztec princes, especially towards the close of the dynasty,
lived in a barbaric pomp, truly Oriental. Their spacious palaces
were provided with halls for the different councils, who aided the
monarch in the transaction of business. The chief of these was a
sort of privy council, composed in part, probably, of the four
electors chosen by the nobles after the accession, whose places,
when made vacant by death, were immediately supplied as before. It was
the business of this body, so far as can be gathered from the very
loose accounts given of it, to advise the king in respect to the
government of the provinces, the administration of the revenues,
and, indeed, on all great matters of public interest.
In the royal buildings were accommodations, also, for a numerous
body-guard of the sovereign, made up of the chief nobility. It is
not easy to determine with precision, in these barbarian
governments, the limits of the several orders. It is certain there was
a distinct class of nobles, with large landed possessions, who held
the most important offices near the person of the prince, and
engrossed the administration of the provinces and cities. Many of
these could trace their descent from the founders of the Aztec
monarchy. According to some writers of authority, there were thirty
great caciques, who had their residence, at least a part of the
year, in the capital, and who could muster a hundred thousand
vassals each on their estates. Without relying on such wild
statements, it is clear, from the testimony of the conquerors, that
the country was occupied by numerous powerful chieftains, who lived
like independent princes on their domains. It it be true that the
kings encouraged, or indeed exacted, the residence of these nobles
in the capital, and required hostages in their absence, it is
evident that their power must have been very formidable.
Their estates appear to have been held by various tenures, and
to have been subject to different restrictions. Some of them, earned
by their own good swords or received as the recompense of public
services, were held without any limitation, except that the possessors
could not dispose of them to a plebeian. Others were entailed on the
eldest male issue, and, in default of such, reverted to the crown.
Most of them seem to have been burdened with the obligation of
military service. The principal chiefs of Tezcuco, according to its
chronicler, were expressly obliged to support their prince with
their armed vassals, to attend his court, and aid him in the
counsel. Some, instead of these services, were to provide for the
repairs of his buildings, and to keep the royal demesnes in order,
with an annual offering, by way of homage, of fruits and flowers. It
was usual for a new king, on his accession, to confirm the investiture
of estates derived from the crown.
It cannot be denied that we recognise in all this several features
of the feudal system, which, no doubt, lose nothing of their effect,
under the hands of the Spanish writers, who are fond of tracing
analogies to European institutions. But such analogies lead
sometimes to very erroneous conclusions. The obligation of military
service, for instance, the most essential principle of a fief, seems
to be naturally demanded by every government from its subjects. As
to minor points of resemblance, they fall far short of that harmonious
system of reciprocal service and protection which embraced, in nice
gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy. The kingdoms of Anahuac
were, in their nature, despotic, attended, indeed, with many
mitigating circumstances unknown to the despotisms of the East; but it
is chimerical to look for much in common- beyond a few accidental
forms and ceremonies- with those aristocratic institutions of the
Middle Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the precise
image in miniature of that of his sovereign.
The legislative power, both in Mexico and Tezcuco, resided
wholly with the monarch. This feature of despotism, however, was in
some measure counteracted by the constitution of the judicial
tribunals- of more importance, among a rude people, than the
legislative, since it is easier to make good laws for such a community
than to enforce them, and the best laws, badly administered, are but a
mockery. Over each of the principal cities, with its dependent
territories, was placed a supreme judge, appointed by the crown,
with original and final jurisdiction in both civil and criminal cases.
There was no appeal from his sentence to any other tribunal, nor
even to the king. He held his office during life; and any one who
usurped his ensigns was punished with death.
Below this magistrate was a court, established in each province,
and consisting of three members. It held concurrent jurisdiction
with the supreme judge in civil suits, but in criminal an appeal lay
to his tribunal. Besides these courts, there was a body of inferior
magistrates distributed through the country, chosen by the people
themselves in their several districts. Their authority was limited
to smaller causes, while the more important were carried up to the
higher courts. There was still another class of subordinate
officers, appointed also by the people, each of whom was to watch over
the conduct of a certain number of families, and report any disorder
or breach of the laws to the higher authorities.
In Tezcuco the judicial arrangements were of a more refined
character; and a gradation of tribunals finally terminated in a
general meeting or parliament, consisting of all the judges, great
and petty, throughout the kingdom, held every eighty days in the
capital, over which the king presided in person. This body
determined all suits, which, from their importance, or difficulty, had
been reserved for its consideration by the lower tribunals. It served,
moreover, as a council of state, to assist the monarch in the
transaction of public business.
Such are the vague and imperfect notices that can be gleaned
respecting the Aztec tribunals, from the hieroglyphical paintings
still preserved, and from the most accredited Spanish writers.
These, being usually ecclesiastics, have taken much less interest in
this subject than in matters connected with religion. They find some
apology, certainly, in the early destruction of most of the Indian
paintings, from which their information was, in part, to be gathered.
On the whole, however, it must be inferred, that the Aztecs were
sufficiently civilised to envince a solicitude for the rights both
of property and of persons. The law, authorising an appeal to the
highest judicature in criminal matters only, shows an attention to
personal security, rendered the more obligatory by the extreme
severity of their penal code, which would naturally have made them
more cautious of a wrong conviction. The existence of a number of
co-ordinate tribunals, without a central one of supreme authority to
control the whole, must have given rise to very discordant
interpretations of the law in different districts, an evil which
they shared in common with most of the nations of Europe.
The provision for making the superior judges wholly independent of
the crown was worthy of an enlightened people. It presented the
strongest barrier, that a mere constitution could afford, against
tyranny. It is not, indeed, to be supposed that, in a government
otherwise so despotic, means could not be found for influencing the
magistrate. But it was a great step to fence round his authority
with the sanction of the law; and no one of the Aztec monarch, as
far as I know, is accused of an attempt to violate it.
To receive presents or a bribe, to be guilty of collusion in any
way with a suitor, was punished, in a judge, with death. Who, or
what tribunal, decided as to his guilt, does not appear. In Tezcuco
this was done by the rest of the court. But the king presided over
that body. The Tezcucan prince, Nezahualpilli, who rarely tempered
justice with mercy, put one judge to death for taking a bribe, and
another for determining suits in his own house,- a capital offence,
also, by law.
The judges of the higher tribunals were maintained from the
produce of a part of the crown lands, reserved for this purpose. They,
as well as the supreme judge, held their offices for life. The
proceedings in the courts were conducted with decency and order. The
judges wore an appropriate dress, and attended to business both
parts of the day, dining always, for the sake of despatch, in an
apartment of the same building where they held their session; a method
of proceeding much commended by the Spanish chroniclers, to whom
despatch was not very familiar in their own tribunals. Officers
attended to preserve order, and others summoned the parties, and
produced them in court. No counsel was employed; the parties stated
their own case, and supported it by their witnesses. The oath of the
accused was also admitted in evidence. The statement of the case,
the testimony, and the proceedings of the trial, were all set forth by
a clerk, in hieroglyphical paintings, and handed over to the court.
The paintings were executed with so much accuracy, that, in all
suits respecting real property, they were allowed to be produced as
good authority in the Spanish tribunals, very long after the Conquest.
A capital sentence was indicated by a line traced with an arrow
across the portrait of the accused. In Tezcuco, where the king
presided in the court, this, according to the national chronicler, was
done with extraordinary parade. His description, which is of rather
a poetical cast, I give in his own words: "In the royal palace of
Tezcuco was a courtyard, on the opposite sides of which were two halls
of justice. In the principal one, called the 'tribunal of God,' was
a throne of pure gold inlaid with turquoises and other precious
stones. On a stool in front, was placed a human skull, crowned with an
immense emerald, of a pyramidal form, and surmounted by an aigrette of
brilliant plumes and precious stones. The skull was laid on a heap
of military weapons, shields, quivers, bows, and arrows. The walls
were hung with tapestry, made of the hair of different wild animals,
of rich and various colours, festooned by gold rings, and
embroidered with figures of birds and flowers. Above the throne was
a canopy of variegated plumage, from the centre of which shot forth
resplendent rays of gold and jewels. The other tribunal, called 'the
king's,' was also surmounted by a gorgeous canopy of feathers, on
which were emblazoned the royal arms. Here the sovereign gave public
audience, and communicated his despatches. But, when he decided
important causes, or confirmed a capital sentence, he passed to 'the
tribunal of God,' attended by the fourteen great lords of the realm,
marshalled according to their rank. Then, putting on his mitred crown,
incrusted with precious stones, and holding a golden arrow, by way
of sceptre, in his left hand, he laid his right upon the skull, and
pronounced judgment." All this looks rather fine for a court of
justice, it must be owned. But it is certain, that the Tezcucans, as
we shall see hereafter, possessed both the materials and the skill
requisite to work them up in this manner. Had they been a little
further advanced in refinement, one might well doubt their having
the bad taste to do so.
The laws of the Aztecs were registered, and exhibited to the
people in their hieroglyphical paintings. Much the larger part of
them, as in every nation imperfectly civilised, relates rather to
the security of persons than of property. The great crimes against
society were all made capital. Even the murder of a slave was punished
with death. Adulterers, as among the Jews, were stoned to death.
Thieving, according to the degree of the offence, was punished by
slavery or death. Yet the Mexicans could have been under no great
apprehension of this crime, since the entrances to their dwellings
were not secured by bolts, or fastenings of any kind. It was a capital
offence to remove the boundaries of another's lands; to alter the
established measures; and for a guardian not to be able to give a good
account of his ward's property. These regulations evince a regard
for equity in dealings, and for private rights, which argues a
considerable progress in civilisation. Prodigals, who squandered their
patrimony, were punished in like manner; a severe sentence, since
the crime brought its adequate punishment along with it. Intemperance,
which was the burden, moreover, of their religious homilies, was
visited with the severest penalties; as if they had foreseen in it the
consuming canker of their own, as well as of the other Indian races in
later times. It was punished in the young with death, and in older
persons with loss of rank and confiscation of property. Yet a decent
conviviality was not meant to be proscribed at their festivals, and
they possessed the means of indulging it, in a mild fermented
liquor, called pulque.
The rites of marriage were celebrated with as much formality as in
any Christian country; and the institution was held in such reverence,
that a tribunal was instituted for the sole purpose of determining
questions relating to it. Divorces could not be obtained, until
authorised by a sentence of this court, after a patient hearing of the
parties.
But the most remarkable part of the Aztec code was that relating
to slavery. There were several descriptions of slaves: prisoners taken
in war, who were almost always reserved for the dreadful doom of
sacrifice; criminals, public debtors, persons who, from extreme
poverty, voluntarily resigned their freedom, and children who were
sold by their own parents. In the last instance, usually occasioned
also by poverty, it was common for the parents, with the master's
consent, to substitute others of their children successively, as
they grew up: thus distributing the burden, as equally as possible,
among the different members of the family. The willingness of
freemen to incur the penalties of this condition is explained by the
mild form in which it existed. The contract of sale was executed in
the presence of at least four witnesses. The services to be exacted
were limited with great precision. The slave was allowed to have his
own family, to hold property, and even other slaves. His children were
free. No one could be born to slavery in Mexico, an honourable
distinction, not known, I believe, in any civilised community where
slavery has been sanctioned. Slaves were not sold by their masters,
unless when these were driven to it by poverty. They were often
liberated by them at their death, and sometimes, as there was no
natural repugnance founded on difference of blood and race, were
married to them. Yet a refractory or vicious slave might be led into
the market, with a collar round his neck, which intimated his bad
character, and there be publicly sold, and, on a second sale, reserved
for sacrifice.
The royal revenues were derived from various sources. The crown
lands, which appear to have been extensive, made their returns in
kind. The places in the neighbourhood of the capital were bound to
supply workmen and materials for building the king's palaces, and
keeping them in repair. They were also to furnish fuel, provisions,
and whatever was necessary for his ordinary domestic expenditure,
which was certainly on no stinted scale. The principal cities, which
had numerous villages and a large territory dependent on them, were
distributed into districts, with each a share of the lands allotted to
it, for its support. The inhabitants paid a stipulated part of the
produce to the crown. The vassals of the great chiefs, also, paid a
portion of their earnings into the public treasury; an arrangement not
at all in the spirit of the feudal institutions.
In addition to this tax on all the agricultural produce of the
kingdom, there was another on its manufactures. The nature and the
variety of the tributes will be best shown by an enumeration of some
of the principal articles. These were cotton dresses, and mantles of
feather-work, exquisitely made; ornamented armour; vases and plates of
gold; gold-dust, bands and bracelets; crystal, gilt, and varnished
jars and goblets; bells, arms, and utensils of copper; reams of paper;
grain, fruits, copal, amber, cochineal, cocoa, wild animals and birds,
timber, lime, mats, etc. In this curious medley of the most homely
commodities, and the elegant superfluities of luxury, it is singular
that no mention should be made of silver, the great staple of the
country in later times, and the use of which was certainly known to
the Aztecs.
Garrisons were established in the larger cities,- probably those
at a distance, and recently conquered,- to keep down revolt, and to
enforce the payment of the tribute. Tax-gatherers were also
distributed throughout the kingdom, who were recognised by their
official badges, and dreaded from the merciless rigour of their
exactions. By a stern law, every defaulter was liable to be taken
and sold as a slave. In the capital were spacious granaries and
warehouses for the reception of the tributes. A receiver-general was
quartered in the palace, who rendered in an exact account of the
various contributions, and watched over the conduct of the inferior
agents, in whom the least malversation was summarily punished. This
functionary was furnished with a map of the whole empire, with a
minute specification of the imposts assessed on every part of it.
These imposts, moderate under the reigns of the early princes,
became so burdensome under those of the close of the dynasty, being
rendered still more oppressive by the manner of collection, that
they bred disaffection throughout the land, and prepared the way for
its conquest by the Spaniards.
Communication was maintained with the remotest parts of the
country by means of couriers. Post-houses were established on the
great roads, about two leagues distant from each other. The courier,
bearing his despatches in the form of a hieroglyphical painting, ran
with them to the first station, where they were taken by another
messenger, and carried forward to the next, and so on till they
reached the capital. These couriers, trained from childhood, travelled
with incredible swiftness; not four or five leagues an hour, as an old
chronicler would make us believe, but with such speed that
despatches were carried from one to two hundred miles a day. Fresh
fish was frequently served at Montezuma's table in twenty-four hours
from the time it had been taken in the Gulf of Mexico, two hundred
miles from the capital. In this way intelligence of the movements of
the royal armies was rapidly brought to court; and the dress of the
courier, denoting by its colour that of his tidings, spread joy or
consternation in the towns through which he passed.
But the great aim of the Aztec institutions to which private
discipline and public honours were alike directed, was the
profession of arms. In Mexico, as in Egypt, the soldier shared with
the priest the highest consideration. The king, as we have seen,
must be an experienced warrior. The tutelary deity of the Aztecs was
the god of war. A great object of their military expeditions was, to
gather hecatombs of captives for his altars. The soldier, who fell
in battle, was transported at once to the region of ineffable bliss in
the bright mansions of the Sun. Every war, therefore, became a
crusade; and the warrior, animated by a religious enthusiasm, like
that of the early Saracen, or the Christian crusader, was not only
raised to a contempt of danger, but courted it, for the imperishable
crown of martyrdom. Thus we find the same impulse acting in the most
opposite quarters of the globe, and the Asiatic, the European, and the
American, each earnestly invoking the holy name of religion in the
perpetration of human butchery.
The question of war was discussed in a council of the king and his
chief nobles. Ambassadors were sent, previously to its declaration, to
require the hostile state to receive the Mexican gods, and to pay
the customary tribute. The persons of ambassadors were held sacred
throughout Anahuac. They were lodged and entertained in the great
towns at the public charge, and were everywhere received with
courtesy, so long as they did not deviate from the high-roads on their
route. When they did, they forfeited their privileges. If the
embassy proved unsuccessful, a defiance, or open declaration of war,
was sent; quotas were drawn from the conquered provinces, which Were
always subjected to military service, as well as the payment of taxes;
and the royal army, usually with the monarch at its head, began its
march.
The Aztec princes made use of the incentive employed by European
monarchs to excite the ambition of their followers. They established
various military orders, each having its privileges and peculiar
insignia. There seems, also, to have existed a sort of knighthood,
of inferior degree. It was the cheapest reward of martial prowess, and
whoever had not reached it was excluded from using ornaments on his
arms or his person, and obliged to wear a coarse white stuff, made
from the threads of the aloe, called nequen. Even the members of the
royal family were not excepted from this law, which reminds one of the
occasional practice of Christian knights, to wear plain armour, or
shields without device, till they had achieved some doughty feat of
chivalry. Although the military orders were thrown open to all, it
is probable that they were chiefly filled with persons of rank, who,
by their previous training and connections, were able to come into the
field under peculiar advantages.
The dress of the higher warriors was picturesque, and often
magnificent. Their bodies were covered with a close vest of quilted
cotton, so thick as to be impenetrable to the light missiles of Indian
warfare. This garment was so light and serviceable that it was adopted
by the Spaniards. The wealthier chiefs sometimes wore, instead of this
cotton mail, a cuirass made of thin plates of gold, or silver. Over it
was thrown a surcoat of the gorgeous feather-work in which they
excelled. Their helmets were sometimes of wood, fashioned like the
heads of wild animals, and sometimes of silver, on the top of which
waved a panache of variegated feathers, sprinkled with precious stones
and ornaments of gold. They wore also collars, bracelets, and
earrings, of the same rich materials.
Their armies were divided into bodies of eight thousand men; and
these, again, into companies of three or four hundred, each with its
own commander. The national standard, which has been compared to the
ancient Roman, displayed, in its embroidery of gold and
feather-work, the armorial ensigns of the state. These were
significant of its name, which, as the names of both persons and
places were borrowed from some material object, was easily expressed
by hieroglyphical symbols. The companies and the great chiefs had also
their appropriate banners and devices, and the gaudy hues of their
many-coloured plumes gave a dazzling splendour to the spectacle.
Their tactics were such as belong to a nation with whom war,
though a trade, is not elevated to the rank of a science. They
advanced singing, and shouting their war-cries, briskly charging the
enemy, as rapidly retreating, and making use of ambuscades, sudden
surprises, and the light skirmish of guerilla warfare. Yet their
discipline was such as to draw forth the encomiums of the Spanish
conquerors. "A beautiful sight it was," says one of them, "to see them
set out on their march, all moving forward so gaily, and in so
admirable order!" In battle, they did not seek to kill their
enemies, so much as to take them prisoners; and they never scalped,
like other North American tribes. The valour of a warrior was
estimated by the number of his prisoners; and no ransom was large
enough to save the devoted captive.
Their military code bore the same stern features as their other
laws. Disobedience of orders was punished with death. It was death,
also, for a soldier to leave his colours to attack the enemy before
the signal was given, or to plunder another's booty or prisoners.
One of the last Tezcucan princes, in the spirit of an ancient Roman,
put two sons to death,- after having cured their wounds,- for
violating the last-mentioned law.
I must not omit to notice here an institution, the introduction of
which, in the Old World, is ranked among the beneficent fruits of
Christianity. Hospitals were established in the principal cities for
the cure of the sick, and the permanent refuge of the disabled
soldier; and surgeons were placed over them, "who were so far better
than those in Europe," says an old chronicler, "that they did not
protract the cure, in order to increase the pay."
Such is the brief outline of the civil and military polity of
the ancient Mexicans; less perfect than could be desired, in regard to
the former, from the imperfection of the sources whence it is drawn.
Whoever has had occasion to explore the early history of modern Europe
has found how vague and unsatisfactory is the political information
which can be gleaned from the gossip of monkish annalists. How much is
the difficulty increased in the present instance, where this
information, first recorded in the dubious language of
hieroglyphics, was interpreted in another language, with which the
Spanish chroniclers were imperfectly acquainted, while it related to
institutions of which their past experience enabled them to form no
adequate conception! Amidst such uncertain lights, it is in vain to
expect nice accuracy of detail. All that can be done is, to attempt an
outline of the more prominent features, that a correct impression,
so far as it goes, may be produced on the mind of the reader.
Enough has been said, however, to show that the Aztec and Tezcucan
races were advanced in civilisation very far beyond the wandering
tribes of North America. The degree of civilisation which they had
reached, as inferred by their political institutions, may be
considered, perhaps, not much short of that enjoyed by our Saxon
ancestors, under Alfred. In respect to the nature of it, they may be
better compared with the Egyptians; and the examination of their
social relations and culture may suggest still stronger points of
resemblance to that ancient people.
Chapter III

MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY- THE SACERDOTAL ORDER- THE TEMPLES-
HUMAN SACRIFICES

THE CIVIL polity of the Aztecs is so closely blended with their
religion, that, without understanding the latter, it is impossible
to form correct ideas of their government or their social
institutions. I shall pass over, for the present, some remarkable
traditions, bearing a singular resemblance to those found in the
Scriptures, and endeavour to give a brief sketch of their mythology,
and their careful provisions for maintaining a national worship.
In contemplating the religious system of the Aztecs, one is struck
with its apparent incongruity, as if some portion of it had emanated
from a comparatively refined people, open to gentle influences,
while the rest breathes a spirit of unmitigated ferocity. It naturally
suggests the idea of two distinct sources, and authorises the belief
that the Aztecs had inherited from their predecessors a milder
faith, on which was afterwards engrafted their own mythology. The
latter soon became dominant, and gave its dark colouring to the creeds
of the conquered nations,- which the Mexicans, like the ancient
Romans, seem willingly to have incorporated into their own,- until the
same funereal superstition settled over the farthest borders of
Anahuac.
The Aztecs recognised the existence of a supreme Creator and
Lord of the universe. They addressed him, in their prayers, as "the
God by whom we live," "omnipresent, that knoweth all thoughts, and
giveth all gifts," "without whom man is as nothing," "invisible,
incorporeal, one God, of perfect perfection and purity," "under
whose wings we find repose and a sure defence." These sublime
attributes infer no inadequate conception of the true God. But the
idea of unity- of a being, with whom volition is action, who has no
need of inferior ministers to execute his purposes- was too simple, or
too vast, for their understandings; and they sought relief, as
usual, in the plurality of deities, who presided over the elements,
the changes of the seasons, and the various occupations of man. Of
these, there were thirteen principal deities, and more than two
hundred inferior; to each of whom some special day, or appropriate
festival, was consecrated.
At the head of all stood the terrible Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican
Mars; although it is doing injustice to the heroic war-god of
antiquity to identify him with this sanguinary monster. This was the
patron deity of the nation. His fantastic image was loaded with costly
ornaments. His temples were the most stately and august of the
public edifices; and his altars reeked with the blood of human
hecatombs in every city of the empire. Disastrous, indeed, must have
been the influence of such a superstition on the character of the
people.
A far more interesting personage in their mythology, was
Quetzalcoatl, god of the air, a divinity who, during his residence
on earth, instructed the natives in the use of metals, in agriculture,
and in the arts of government. He was one of those benefactors of
their species, doubtless, who have been deified, by the gratitude of
posterity. Under him, the earth teemed with fruits and flowers,
without the pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn was as much as a
single man could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took, of its own
accord, the rich dyes of human art. The air was filled with
intoxicating perfumes and the sweet melody of birds. In short, these
were the halcyon days, which find a place in the mythic systems of
so many nations in the Old World. It was the golden age of Anahuac.
From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl incurred the wrath of
one of the principal gods, and was compelled to abandon the country.
On his way, he stopped at the city of Cholula, where a temple was
dedicated to his worship, the massy ruins of which still form one of
the most interesting relics of antiquity in Mexico. When he reached
the shores of the Mexican Gulf, he took leave of his followers,
promising that he and his descendants would revist them hereafter, and
then entering his wizard skill, made of serpents' skins, embarked on
the great ocean for the fabled land of Tlapallan. He was said to
have been tall in stature, with a white skin, long, dark hair, and a
flowing beard. The Mexicans looked confidently to the return of the
benevolent deity; and this remarkable tradition, deeply cherished in
their hearts, prepared the way, as we shall see hereafter, for the
future success of the Spaniards.
We have not space for further details respecting the Mexican
divinities, the attributes of many of whom were carefully defined,
as they descended in regular gradation, to the penates or household
gods, whose little images were to be found in the humblest dwelling.
The Aztecs felt the curiosity, common to man in almost every stage
of civilisation, to lift the veil which covers the mysterious past,
and the more awful future. They sought relief, like the nations of the
Old Continent, from the oppressive idea of eternity, by breaking it up
into distinct cycles, or periods of time, each of several thousand
years' duration. There were four of these cycles, and at the end of
each, by the agency of one of the elements, the human family was swept
from the earth, and the sun blotted out from the heavens, to be
again rekindled.
They imagined three separate states of existence in the future
life. The wicked, comprehending the great part of mankind, were to
expiate their sins in a place of everlasting darkness. Another
class, with no other merit than that of having died of certain
diseases, capriciously selected, were to enjoy a negative existence of
indolent contentment. The highest place was reserved, as in most
warlike nations, for the heroes who fell in battle, or in sacrifice.
They passed, at once, into the presence of the Sun, whom they
accompanied with songs and choral dances, in his bright progress
through the heavens; and, after some years, their spirits went to
animate the clouds and singing birds of beautiful plumage, and to
revel amidst the rich blossoms and odours of the gardens of
paradise. Such was the heaven of the Aztecs; more refined in its
character than that of the more polished pagan, whose elysium
reflected only the martial sports, or sensual gratifications, of
this life. In the destiny they assigned to the wicked, we discern
similar traces of refinement; since the absence of all physical
torture forms a striking contrast to the schemes of suffering so
ingeniously devised by the fancies of the most enlightened nations.-
In all this, so contrary to the natural suggestions of the ferocious
Aztec, we see the evidences of a higher civilisation, inherited from
their predecessors in the land.
Our limits will allow only a brief allusion to one or two of their
most interesting ceremonies. On the death of a person, his corpse
was dressed in the peculiar habiliments of his tutelar deity. It was
strewed with pieces of paper, which operated as charms, against the
dangers of the dark road he was to travel. A throng of slaves, if he
were rich, was sacrificed at his obsequies. His body was burned, and
the ashes, collected in a vase, were preserved in one of the
apartments of his house. Here we have successively the usages of the
Roman Catholic, the Mussulman, the Tartar, and the ancient Greek and
Roman, curious coincidences, which may show how cautious we should
be in adopting conclusions founded on analogy.
A more extraordinary coincidence may be traced with Christian
rites, in the ceremony of naming their children. The lips and bosom of
the infant were sprinkled with water, and "the Lord was implored to
permit the holy drops to wash away the sin that was given to it before
the foundation of the world; so that the child might be born anew." We
are reminded of Christian morals, in more than one of their prayers,
in which they use regular forms. "Wilt thou blot us out, O Lord, for
ever? Is this punishment intended, not for our reformation, but for
our destruction?" Again, "Impart to us, out of thy great mercy, thy
gifts which we are not worthy to receive through our own merits."
"Keep peace with all," says another petition; "bear injuries with
humility; God, who sees, will avenge you." But the most striking
parallel with Scripture is in the remarkable declaration, that "he who
looks too curiously on a woman, commits adultery with his eyes." These
pure and elevated maxims, it is true, are mixed up with others of a
puerile, and even brutal character, arguing that confusion of the
moral perceptions, which is natural in the twilight of civilisation.
One would not expect, however, to meet, in such a state of society,
with doctrines as sublime as any inculcated by the enlightened codes
of ancient philosophy.
But, although the Aztec mythology gathered nothing from the
beautiful inventions of the poet, nor from the refinements of
philosophy, it was much indebted, as I have noticed, to the priests,
who endeavoured to dazzle the imagination of the people by the most
formal and pompous ceremonial. The influence of the priesthood must be
greatest in an imperfect state of civilisation, where it engrosses all
the scanty science of the time in its own body. This is particularly
the case, when the science is of that spurious kind which is less
occupied with the real phenomena of nature, than with the fanciful
chimeras of human superstition. Such are the sciences of astrology and
divination, in which the Aztec priests were well initiated; and
while they seemed to hold the keys of the future in their own hands,
they impressed the ignorant people with sentiments of superstitious
awe, beyond that which has probably existed in any other country,-
even in Ancient Egypt.
The sacerdotal order was very numerous; as may be inferred from
the statement that five thousand priests were, in some way or other,
attached to the principal temple in the capital. The various ranks and
functions of this multitudinous body were discriminated with great
exactness. Those best instructed in music took the management of the
choirs. Others arranged the festivals conformably to the calendar.
Some superintended the education of youth, and others had charge of
the hieroglyphical paintings and oral traditions; while the dismal
rites of sacrifice were reserved for the chief dignitaries of the
order. At the head of the whole establishment were two high-priests,
elected from the order, as it would seem, by the king and principal
nobles, without reference to birth, but solely for their
qualifications, as shown by their previous conduct in a subordinate
station. They were equal in dignity, and inferior only to the
sovereign, who rarely acted without their advice in weighty matters of
public concern.
The priests were each devoted to the service of some particular
deity, and had quarters provided within the spacious precincts of
their temple; at least, while engaged in immediate attendance
there,- for they were allowed to marry and have families of their own.
In this monastic residence they lived in all the stern severity of
conventual discipline. Thrice during the day, and once at night,
they were called to prayers. They were frequent in their ablutions and
vigils, and mortified the flesh by fasting and cruel penance,- drawing
blood from their bodies by flagellation, or by piercing them with
the thorns of the aloe.
The great cities were divided into districts, placed under the
charge of a sort of parochial clergy, who regulated every act of
religion within their precincts. It is remarkable that they
administered the rites of confession and absolution. The secrets of
the confessional were held inviolable, and penances were imposed of
much the same kind as those enjoined in the Roman Catholic Church.
There were two remarkable peculiarities in the Aztec ceremony. The
first was, that, as the repetition of an offence, once atoned for, was
deemed inexpiable, confession was made but once in a man's life, and
was usually deferred to a late period of it, the penitent unburdened
his conscience, and settled, at once, the long arrears of iniquity.
Another peculiarity was, that priestly absolution was received in
Place of the legal punishment of offences, and authorised an acquittal
in case of arrest. Long after the Conquest, the simple natives, when
they came under the arm of the law, sought to escape by producing
the certificate of their confession.
One of the most important duties of the priesthood was that of
education, to which certain buildings were appropriated within the
enclosure of the principal temple. Here the youth of both sexes, of
the higher and middling orders, were placed at a very tender age.
The girls were intrusted to the care of priestesses; for women were
allowed to exercise sacerdotal functions, except those of sacrifice.
In these institutions the boys were drilled in the routine of monastic
discipline; they decorated the shrines of the gods with flowers, fed
the sacred fires, and took part in the religious chants and festivals.
Those in the higher school,- the Calmecac, as it was called,- were
initiated in their traditionary lore, the mysteries of
hieroglyphics, the principles of government, and such branches of
astronomical and natural science as were within the compass of the
priesthood. The girls learned various feminine employments, especially
to weave and embroider rich coverings for the altars of the gods.
Great attention was paid to the moral discipline of both sexes. The
most perfect decorum prevailed; and offences were punished with
extreme rigour, in some instances with death itself. Terror, not love,
was the spring of education with the Aztecs.
At a suitable age for marrying, or for entering into the world,
the pupils were dismissed, with much ceremony, from the convent, and
the recommendation of the principal often introduced those most
competent to responsible situations in public life. Such was the
crafty policy of the Mexican priests, who, by reserving to
themselves the business of instruction, were enabled to mould the
young and plastic mind according to their own wills, and to train it
early to implicit reverence for religion and its ministers; a
reverence which still maintained its hold on the iron nature of the
warrior, long after every other vestige of education had been
effaced by the rough trade to which he was devoted.
To each of the principal temples lands were annexed for the
maintenance of the priests. These estates were augmented by the policy
of devotion of successive princes, until, under the last Montezuma,
they had swollen to an enormous extent, and covered every district
of the empire. The priests took the management of their property
into their own hands; and they seem to have treated their tenants with
the liberality and indulgence characteristic of monastic corporations.
Besides the large supplies drawn from this source, the religious order
was enriched with the first-fruits, and such other offerings as
piety or superstition dictated. The surplus beyond what was required
for the support of the national worship was distributed in alms
among the poor; a duty strenuously prescribed by their moral code.
Thus we find the same religion inculcating lessons of pure
philanthropy, on the one hand, and of merciless extermination, as we
shall soon see, on the other.
The Mexican temples- teocallis, "houses of God," as they were
called- were very numerous. There were several hundreds in each of the
principal cities, many of them, doubtless, very humble edifices.
They were solid masses of earth, cased with brick or stone, and in
their form somewhat resembled the pyramidal structures of ancient
Egypt. The bases of many of them were more than a hundred feet square,
and they towered to a still greater height. They were distributed into
four or five stories, each of smaller dimensions than that below.
The ascent was by a flight of steps, at an angle of the pyramid, on
the outside. This led to a sort of terrace or gallery, at the base
of the second story, which passed quite round the building to
another flight of stairs, commencing also at the same angle as the
preceding and directly over it, and leading to a similar terrace; so
that one had to make the circuit of the temple several times, before
reaching the summit. In some instances the stairway led directly up
the centre of the western face of the building. The top was a broad
area, on which were erected one or two towers, forty or fifty feet
high, the sanctuaries in which stood the sacred images of the
presiding deities. Before these towers stood the dreadful stone of
sacrifice, and two lofty altars, on which fires were kept, as
inextinguishable as those in the temple of Vesta. There were said to
be six hundred of these altars on smaller buildings within the
inclosure of the great temple of Mexico, which, with those on the
sacred edifices in other parts of the city, shed a brilliant
illumination over its streets, through the darkest night.
From the construction of their temples, all religious services
were public. The long processions of priests, winding round their
massive sides, as they rose higher and higher towards the summit,
and the dismal rites of sacrifice performed there, were all visible
from the remotest corners of the capital, impressing on the
spectator's mind a superstitious veneration for the mysteries of his
religion, and for the dread ministers by whom they were interpreted.
This impression was kept in full force by their numerous
festivals. Every month was consecrated to some protecting deity; and
every week- nay, almost every day, was set down in their calendar
for some appropriate celebration; so that it is difficult to
understand how the ordinary business of life could have been
compatible with the exactions of religion. Many of their ceremonies
were of a light and cheerful complexion, consisting of the national
songs and dances, in which both sexes joined. Processions were made of
women and children crowned with garlands and bearing offerings of
fruits, the ripened maize, or the sweet incense of copal and other
odoriferous gums, while the altars of the deity were stained with no
blood save that of animals. These were the peaceful rites derived from
their Toltec predecessors, on which the fierce Aztecs engrafted a
superstition too loathsome to be exhibited in all its nakedness, and
one over which I would gladly draw a veil altogether, but that it
would leave the reader in ignorance of their most striking
institution, and one that had the greatest influence in forming the
national character.
Human sacrifices were adopted by the Aztecs early in the
fourteenth century, about two hundred years before the Conquest.
Rare at first, they became more frequent with the wider extent of
their empire; till, at length, almost every festival was closed with
this cruel abomination. These religious ceremonials were generally
arranged in such a manner as to afford a type of the most prominent
circumstances in the character or history of the deity who was the
object of them. A single example will suffice.
One of their most important festivals was that in honour of the
god Tezcatlipoca, whose rank was inferior only to that of the
Supreme Being. He was called "the soul of the world," and supposed
to have been its creator. He was depicted as a handsome man, endowed
with perpetual youth. A year before the intended sacrifice, a captive,
distinguished for his personal beauty, and without a blemish on his
body, was selected to represent this deity. Certain tutors took charge
of him, and instructed him how to perform his new part with becoming
grace and dignity. He was arrayed in a splendid dress, regaled with
incense, and with a profusion of sweet-scented flowers, of which the
ancient Mexicans were as fond as their descendants of the present day.
When he went abroad, he was attended by a train of the royal pages,
and, as he halted in the streets to play some favourite melody, the
crowd prostrated themselves before him, and did him homage as the
representative of their good deity. In this way he led an easy,
luxurious life, till within a month of his sacrifice. Four beautiful
girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses, were then
selected to share the honours of his bed; and with them he continued
to live in idle dalliance feasted at the banquets of the principal
nobles, who paid him all the honours of a divinity.
At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The term of his
short-lived glories was at an end. He was stripped of his gaudy
apparel, and bade adieu to the fair partners of his revelries. One
of the royal barges transported him across the lake to a temple
which rose on its margin, about a league from the city. Hither the
inhabitants of the capital flocked, to witness the consummation of the
ceremony. As the sad procession wound up the sides of the pyramid, the
unhappy victim threw away his gay chaplet of flowers, and broke in
pieces the musical instruments with which he had solaced the hours
of captivity. On the summit he was received by six priests, whose long
and matted locks flowed disorderly over their sable robes, covered
with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import. They led him to the
sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface
somewhat convex. On this the prisoner was stretched. Five priests
secured his head and his limbs; while the sixth, clad in a scarlet
mantle, emblematic of his bloody office, dexterously opened the breast
of the wretched victim with a sharp razor of itztli,- a volcanic
substance hard as flint,- and, inserting his hand in the wound, tore
out the palpitating heart. The minister of death, first holding this
up towards the sun, an object of worship throughout Anahuac, cast it
at the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while the
multitudes below prostrated themselves in humble adoration. The tragic
story of this prisoner was expounded by the priests as the type of
human destiny, which, brilliant in its commencement, too often
closes in sorrow and disaster.
Such was the form of human sacrifice usually practised by the
Aztecs. It was the same that often met the indignant eyes of the
Europeans, in their progress through the country, and from the
dreadful doom of which they themselves were not exempted. There
were, indeed, some occasions when preliminary tortures, of the most
exquisite kind,- with which it is unnecessary to shock the reader,-
were inflicted, but they always terminated with the bloody ceremony
above described. It should be remarked, however, that such tortures
were not the spontaneous suggestions of cruelty, as with the North
American Indians; but were all rigorously prescribed in the Aztec
ritual, and doubtless, were often inflicted with the same compunctious
visitings which a devout familiar of the Holy Office might at times
experience in executing its stern decrees. Women, as well as the other
sex, were sometimes reserved for sacrifice. On some occasions,
particularly in seasons of drought, at the festival of the
insatiable Tlaloc, the god of rain, children, for the most part
infants, were offered up. As they were borne along in open litters,
dressed in their festal robes, and decked with the fresh blossoms of
spring, they moved the hardest heart to pity, though their cries
were drowned in the wild chant of the priests, who read in their tears
a favourable augury for their petition. These innocent victims were
generally bought by the priests of parents who were poor, but who
stifled the voice of nature, probably less at the suggestions of
poverty than of a wretched superstition.
The most loathsome part of the story, the manner in which the body
of the sacrificed captive was disposed of, remains yet to be told.
It was delivered to the warrior who had taken him in battle, and by
him, after being dressed, was served up in an entertainment to his
friends. This was not the coarse repast of famished cannibals, but a
banquet teeming with delicious beverages and delicate viands, prepared
with art, and attended by both sexes, who, as we shall see
hereafter, conducted themselves with all the decorum of civilised
life. Surely, never were refinement and the extreme of barbarism
brought so closely in contact with each other!
Human sacrifices have been practised by many nations, not
excepting the most polished nations of antiquity; but never by any, on
a scale to be compared with those in Anahuac. The amount of victims
immolated on its accursed altars would stagger the faith of the
least scrupulous believer. Scarcely any author pretends to estimate
the yearly sacrifices throughout the empire at less than twenty
thousand, and some carry the number as high as fifty!
On great occasions, as the coronation of a king, or the
consecration of a temple, the number becomes still more appalling.
At the dedication of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli, in 1486, the
prisoners, who for some years had been reserved for the purpose,
were drawn from all quarters to the capital. They were ranged in
files, forming a procession nearly two miles long. The ceremony
consumed several days, and seventy thousand captives are said to
have perished at the shrine of this terrible deity! But who can
believe that so numerous a body would have suffered themselves to be
led, unresistingly, like sheep to the slaughter? Or how could their
remains, too great for consumption in the ordinary way, be disposed
of, without breeding a pestilence in the capital? Yet the event was of
recent date, and is unequivocally attested by the best informed
historians. One fact may be considered certain. It was customary to
preserve the skulls of the sacrificed, in buildings appropriated to
the purpose. The companions of Cortes counted one hundred and
thirty-six thousand in one of these edifices! Without attempting a
precise calculation, therefore, it is safe to conclude that
thousands were yearly offered up, in the different cities of
Anahuac, on the bloody altars of the Mexican divinities.
Indeed, the great object of war with the Aztecs was quite as
much to gather victims for their sacrifices, as to extend their
empire. Hence it was, that an enemy was never slain in battle, if
there was a chance of taking him alive. To this circumstance the
Spaniards repeatedly owed their preservation. When Montezuma was
asked, "why he had suffered the republic of Tlascala to maintain her
independence on his borders," he replied, "That she might furnish
him with victims for his gods!" As the supply began to fail, the
priests, the Dominicans of the New World, bellowed aloud for more, and
urged on their superstitious sovereign by the denunciations of
celestial wrath. Like the militant churchmen of Christendom in the
Middle Ages, they mingled themselves in the ranks, and were
conspicuous in the thickest of the fight, by their hideous aspects and
frantic gestures. Strange, that in every country the most fiendish
passions of the human heart have been those kindled in the name of
religion!
The influence of these practices on the Aztec character was as
disastrous as might have been expected. Familiarity with the bloody
rites of sacrifice steeled the heart against human sympathy, and begat
a thirst for carnage, like that excited in the Romans by the
exhibitions of the circus. The perpetual recurrence of ceremonies,
in which the people took part, associated religion with their most
intimate concerns, and spread the gloom of superstition over the
domestic hearth, until the character of the nation wore a grave and
even melancholy aspect, which belongs to their descendants at the
present day. The influence of the priesthood, of course, became
unbounded. The sovereign thought himself honoured by being permitted
to assist in the services of the temple. Far from limiting the
authority of the priests to spiritual matters, he often surrendered
his opinion to theirs, where they were least competent to give it.
It was their opposition that prevented the final capitulation which
would have saved the capital. The whole nation, from the peasant to
the prince, bowed their necks to the worst kind of tyranny- that of
a blind fanaticism.
Human sacrifice, however cruel, has nothing in it degrading to its
victim. It may be rather said to ennoble him, by devoting him to the
gods. Although so terrible with the Aztecs, it was sometimes
voluntarily embraced by them, as the most glorious death, and one that
opened a sure passage into paradise. The Inquisition, on the other
hand, branded its victims with infamy in this world, and consigned
them to everlasting perdition in the next.
One detestable feature of the Aztec superstition, however, sunk it
far below the Christian. This was its cannibalism; though, in truth,
the Mexicans were not cannibals, in the coarsest acceptation of the
term. They did not feed on human flesh merely to gratify a brutish
appetite, but in obedience to their religion. Their repasts were
made of the victims whose blood had been poured out on the altar of
sacrifice. This is a distinction worthy of notice. Still, cannibalism,
under any form, or whatever sanction, cannot but have a fatal
influence on the nation addicted to it. It suggests ideas so
loathsome, so degrading to man, to his spiritual and immortal
nature, that it is impossible the people who practise it should make
any great progress in moral or intellectual culture. The Mexicans
furnish no exception to this remark. The civilisation which they
possessed descended from the Toltecs, a race who never stained their
altars, still less their banquets, with the blood of man. All that
deserved the name of science in Mexico came from this source; and
the crumbling ruins of edifices, attributed to them, still extant in
various parts of New Spain, show a decided superiority in their
architecture over that of the later races of Anahuac. It is true,
the Mexicans made great proficiency in many of the social and mechanic
arts, in that material culture,- if I may so call it,- the natural
growth of increasing opulence, which ministers to the gratification of
the senses. In purely intellectual progress, they were behind the
Tezcucans, whose wise sovereigns came into the abominable rites of
their neighbours with reluctance, and practised them on a much more
moderate scale.
Chapter IV

AZTEC HIEROGLYPHICS- MANUSCRIPTS- ARITHMETIC-
CHRONOLOGY- ASTRONOMY

IT is a relief to turn from the gloomy pages of the preceding
chapter to a brighter side of the picture, and to contemplate the same
nation in its generous struggle to raise itself from a state of
barbarism, and to take a positive rank in the scale of civilisation.
It is not the less interesting, that these efforts were made on an
entirely new theatre of action, apart from those influences that
operate in the Old World; the inhabitants of which, forming one
great brotherhood of nations, are knit together by sympathies, that
make the faintest spark of knowledge struck out in one quarter, spread
gradually wider and wider, until it has diffused a cheering light over
the remotest. It is curious to observe the human mind, in this new
position, conforming to the same laws as on the ancient continent, and
taking a similar direction in its first inquiries after truth,- so
similar, indeed, as, although not warranting, perhaps, the idea of
imitation, to suggest, at least, that of a common origin.
In the eastern hemisphere, we find some nations, as the Greeks,
for instance, early smitten with such a love of the beautiful as to be
unwilling to dispense with it, even in the graver productions of
science; and other nations, again, proposing a severer end to
themselves, to which even imagination and elegant art were made
subservient. The productions of such a people must be criticised,
not by the ordinary rules of taste, but by their adaptation to the
peculiar end for which they were designed. Such were the Egyptians
in the Old World, and the Mexicans in the New. We have already had
occasion to notice the resemblance borne by the latter nation to the
former in their religious economy. We shall be more struck with it
in their scientific culture, especially their hieroglyphical writing
and their astronomy.
To describe actions and events by delineating visible objects,
seems to be a natural suggestion, and is practised, after a certain
fashion, by the rudest savages. The North American Indian carves an
arrow on the bark of trees to show his followers the direction of
his march, and some other sign to show the success of his expeditions.
But to paint intelligibly a consecutive series of these actions-
forming what Warburton has happily called picture-writing- requires
a combination of ideas, that amounts to a positively intellectual
effort. Yet further, when the object of the painter, instead of
being limited to the present, is to penetrate the past, and to
gather from its dark recesses lessons of instruction for coming
generations, we see the dawnings of a literary culture, and
recognise the proof of a decided civilisation in the attempt itself,
however imperfectly it may be executed. The literal imitation of
objects will not answer for this more complex and extended plan. It
would occupy too much space, as well as time, in the execution. It
then becomes necessary to abridge the pictures, to confine the drawing
to outlines, or to such prominent parts of the bodies delineated, as
may readily suggest the whole. This is the representative or
figurative writing, which forms the lowest stage of hieroglyphics.
But there are things which have no type in the material world;
abstract ideas, which can only be represented by visible objects
supposed to have some quality analogous to the idea intended. This
constitutes symbolical writing, the most difficult of all to the
interpreter, since the analogy between the material and immaterial
object is often purely fanciful, or local in its application. Who, for
instance, could suspect the association which made a beetle
represent the universe, as with the Egyptians, or a serpent typify
time, as with the Aztecs?
The third and last division is the phonetic, in which signs are
made to represent sounds, either entire words, or parts of them.
This is the nearest approach of the hieroglyphical series to that
beautiful invention, the alphabet, by which language is resolved
into its elementary sounds, and an apparatus supplied for easily and
accurately expressing the most delicate shades of thought.
The Egyptians were well skilled in all three kinds of
hieroglyphics. But, although their public monuments display the
first class, in their ordinary intercourse and written records, it
is now certain that they almost wholly relied on the phonetic
character. Strange, that having thus broken down the thin partition
which divided them from an alphabet, their latest monuments should
exhibit no nearer approach to it than their earliest. The Aztecs,
also, were acquainted with the several varieties of hieroglyphics. But
they relied on the figurative infinitely more than on the others.
The Egyptians were at the top of the scale, the Aztecs at the bottom.
In casting the eye over a Mexican manuscript, or map, as it is
called, one is struck with the grotesque caricatures it exhibits of
the human figure; monstrous, overgrown heads, on puny misshapen
bodies, which are themselves hard and angular in their outlines, and
without the least skill in composition. On closer inspection, however,
it is obvious that it is not so much a rude attempt to delineate
nature, as a conventional symbol, to express the idea in the most
clear and forcible manner; in the same way as the pieces of similar
value on a chess-board, while they correspond with one another in
form, bear little resemblance, usually, to the objects they represent.
Those parts of the figure are most distinctly traced, which are the
most important. So, also the colouring, instead of the delicate
gradations of nature, exhibits only gaudy and violent contrasts,
such as may produce the most vivid impression. "For even colours,"
as Gama observes, "speak in the Aztec hieroglyphics."
But in the execution of all this the Mexicans were much inferior
to the Egyptians. The drawings of the latter, indeed, are
exceedingly defective when criticised by the rules of art; for they
were as ignorant of perspective as the Chinese, and only exhibited the
head in profile, with the eye in the centre, and with total absence of
expression. But they handled the pencil more gracefully than the
Aztecs, were more true to the natural forms of objects, and, above
all, showed great superiority in abridging the original figure by
giving only the outlines, or some characteristic. or essential
feature. This simplified the process, and facilitated the
communication of thought. An Egyptian text has almost the appearance
of alphabetical writing in its regular lines of minute figures. A
Mexican text looks usually like a collection of pictures, each one
forming the subject of a separate study. This is particularly the case
with the delineations of mythology; in which the story is told by a
conglomeration of symbols, that may remind one more of the
mysterious anaglyphs sculptured on the temples of the Egyptians,
than of their written records.
The Aztecs had various emblems for expressing such things as, from
their nature, could not be directly represented by the painter; as,
for example, the years, months, days, the seasons, the elements, the
heavens, and the like. A "tongue" denoted speaking; a "footprint,"
travelling; "a man sitting on the ground," an earthquake. These
symbols were often very arbitrary, varying with the caprice of the
writer; and it requires a nice discrimination to interpret them, as
a slight change in the form or position of the figure intimated a very
different meaning. An ingenious writer asserts, that the priests
devised secret symbolic characters for the record of their religious
mysteries. It is possible. But the researches of Champollion lead to
the conclusion, that the similar opinion, formerly entertained
respecting the Egyptian hieroglyphics, is without foundation.
Lastly, they employed, as above stated, phonetic signs, though
these were chiefly confined to the names of persons and places; which,
being derived from some circumstance, or characteristic quality,
were accommodated to the hieroglyphical system. Thus the town Cimatlan
was compounded of cimatl, a "root," which grew near it, and tlan,
signifying "near"; Tlaxcallan meant "the place of bread," from its
rich fields of corn; Huexotzinco, "a place surrounded by willows." The
names of persons were often significant of their adventures and
achievements. That of the great Tezcucan prince, Nezahualcoyotl,
signified "hungry fox," intimating his sagacity, and his distresses in
early life. The emblems of such names were no sooner seen, than they
suggested to every Mexican the person and place intended; and, when
painted on their shields, or embroidered on their banners, became
the armorial bearings by which city and chieftain were
distinguished, as in Europe, in the age of chivalry.
But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all the varieties of
hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted to the clumsy method of
direct representation. Had their empire lasted, like the Egyptian,
several thousand, instead of the brief space of two hundred, years,
they would, doubtless, like them, have advanced to the more frequent
use of the phonetic writing. But, before they could be made acquainted
with the capabilities of their own system, the Spanish Conquest, by
introducing the European alphabet, supplied their scholars with a more
perfect contrivance for expressing thought, which soon supplanted
the ancient pictorial character.
Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec picture-writing seems to have
been adequate to the demands of the nation, in their imperfect state
of civilisation. By means of it were recorded all their laws, and even
their regulations for domestic economy; their tribute-rolls,
specifying the imposts of the various towns; their mythology,
calendars, and rituals; their political annals, carried back to a
period long before the foundation of the city. They digested a
complete system of chronology, and could specify with accuracy the
dates of the most important events in their history; the year being
inscribed on the margin, against the particular circumstance recorded.
It is true, history, thus executed, must necessarily be vague and
fragmentary. Only a few leading incidents could be presented. But in
this it did not differ much from the monkish chronicles of the dark
ages, which often dispose of years in a few brief sentences; quite
long enough for the annals of barbarians.
In order to estimate aright the picture-writing of the Aztecs, one
must regard it in connection with oral tradition, to which it was
auxiliary. In the colleges of the priests the youth were instructed in
astronomy, history, mythology, etc.; and those who were to follow
the profession of hieroglyphical painting were taught the
application of the characters appropriated to each of these
branches. In an historical work, one had charge of the chronology,
another of the events. Every part of the labour was thus
mechanically distributed. The pupils, instructed in all that was
before known in their several departments, were prepared to extend
still further the boundaries of their imperfect science. The
hieroglyphics served as a sort of stenography, a collection of
notes, suggesting to the initiated much more than could be conveyed by
a literal interpretation. This combination of the written and the oral
comprehended what may be called the literature of the Aztecs.
Their manuscripts were made of different materials,- of cotton
cloth, or skins nicely prepared; of a composition of silk and gum;
but, for the most part, of a fine fabric from the leaves of the
aloe, agave Americana, called by the natives, maguey, which grows
luxuriantly over the tablelands of Mexico. A sort of paper was made
from it, resembling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus, which, when
properly dressed and polished, is said to have been more soft and
beautiful than parchment. Some of the specimens, still existing,
exhibit their original freshness, and the paintings on them retain
their brilliancy of colours. They were sometimes done up into rolls,
but more frequently into volumes of moderate size, in which the
paper was shut up, like a folding-screen, with a leaf or tablet of
wood at each extremity, that gave the whole, when closed, the
appearance of a book. The length of the strips was determined only
by convenience. As the pages might be read and referred to separately,
this form had obvious advantages over the rolls of the ancients.
At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, great quantities of
these manuscripts were treasured up in the country. Numerous persons
were employed in painting, and the dexterity of their operations
excited the astonishment of the conquerors. Unfortunately, this was
mingled with other, and unworthy feelings. The strange, unknown
characters inscribed on them excited suspicion. They were looked on as
magic scrolls; and were regarded in the same light with the idols
and temples, as the symbols of a pestilent superstition that must be
extirpated. The first archbishop of Mexico, Don Juan de Zumarraga,-
a name that should be as immortal as that of Omar,- collected these
paintings from every quarter, especially from Tezcuco, the most
cultivated capital in Anahuac, and the great depository of the
national archives. He then caused them to be piled up in a
"mountain-heap,"- as it is called by the Spanish writers
themselves,- and reduced them all to ashes! His greater countryman,
Archbishop Ximenes, had celebrated a similar auto-dafe of Arabic
manuscripts, in Granada, some twenty years before. Never did
fanaticism achieve two more signal triumphs, than by the
annihilation of so many curious monuments of human ingenuity and
learning!
The unlettered soldiers were not slow in imitating the example
of their prelate. Every chart and volume which fell into their hands
was wantonly destroyed; so that, when the scholars of a later and more
enlightened age anxiously sought to recover some of these memorials of
civilisation, nearly all had perished, and the few surviving were
jealously hidden by the natives. Through the indefatigable labours
of a private individual, however, a considerable collection was
eventually deposited in the archives of Mexico; but was so little
heeded there, that some were plundered, others decayed piecemeal
from the damps and mildews, and others, again, were used up as
waste-paper! We contemplate with indignation the cruelties inflicted
by the early conquerors. But indignation is qualified with contempt,
when we see them thus ruthlessly trampling out the spark of knowledge,
the common boon and property of all mankind. We may well doubt,
which has the strongest claims to civilisation, the victor or the
vanquished.
A few of the Mexican manuscripts have found their way, from time
to time, to Europe, and are carefully preserved in the public
libraries of its capitals. They are brought together in the
magnificent work of Lord Kingsborough; but not one is there from
Spain. The most important of them, for the light in throws on the
Aztec institutions, is the Mendoza Codex; which, after its
mysterious disappearance for more than a century, has at length
re-appeared in the Bodleian library at Oxford. It has been several
times engraved. The most brilliant in colouring, probably, is the
Borgian collection, in Rome. The most curious, however, is the Dresden
Codex, which has excited less attention than it deserves. Although
usually classed among Mexican manuscripts, it bears little resemblance
to them in its execution; the figures of objects are more delicately
drawn, and the characters, unlike the Mexican, appear to be purely
arbitrary, and are possibly phonetic. Their regular arrangement is
quite equal to the Egyptian. The whole infers a much higher
civilisation than the Aztec, and offers abundant food for curious
speculation.
Some few of these maps have interpretations annexed to them, which
were obtained from the natives after the Conquest. The greater part
are without any, and cannot now be unriddled. Had the Mexicans made
free use of a phonetic alphabet, it might have been originally easy,
by mastering the comparatively few signs employed in this kind of
communication, to have got a permanent key to the whole. A brief
inscription has furnished a clue to the vast labyrinth of Egyptian
hieroglyphics. But the Aztec characters, representing individuals,
or at most, species, require to be made out separately; a hopeless
task, for which little aid is to be expected from the vague and
general tenor of the few interpretations now existing. In less than
a hundred years after the Conquest, the knowledge of the hieroglyphics
had so far declined, that a diligent Tezcucan writer complains he
could find in the country only two persons, both very aged, at all
competent to interpret them.
It is not probable, therefore, that the art of reading these
picture-writings will ever be recovered; a circumstance certainly to
be regretted. Not that the records of a semi-civilised people would be
likely to contain any new truth or discovery important to human
comfort or progress; but they could scarcely fail to throw some
additional light on the previous history of the nation, and that of
the more polished people who before occupied the country. This would
be still more probable, if any literary relics of their Toltec
predecessors were preserved; and, if report be true, an important
compilation from this source was extant at the time of the invasion,
and may have perhaps contributed to swell the holocaust of
Zumarraga. It is no great stretch of fancy, to suppose that such
records might reveal the successive links in the mighty chain of
migration of the primitive races, and, by carrying us back to the seat
of their possessions in the Old World, have solved the mystery which
has so long perplexed the learned, in regard to the settlement and
civilisation of the New.
Besides the hieroglyphical maps, the traditions of the country
were embodied in the songs and hymns, which, as already mentioned,
were carefully taught in the public schools. These were various,
embracing the mythic legends of a heroic age, the warlike achievements
of their own, or the softer tales of love and pleasure. Many of them
were composed by scholars and persons of rank, and are cited as
affording the most authentic record of events. The Mexican dialect was
rich and expressive, though inferior to the Tezcucan, the most
polished of the idioms of Anahuac. None of the Aztec compositions have
survived, but we can form some estimate of the general state of poetic
culture from the odes which have come down to us from the royal
house of Tezcuco. Sahagun has furnished us with translations of
their more elaborate prose, consisting of prayers and public
discourses, which give a favourable idea of their eloquence, and
show that they paid much attention to rhetorical effect. They are said
to have had, also, something like theatrical exhibitions, of a
pantomimic sort, in which the faces of the performers were covered
with masks, and the figures of birds or animals were frequently
represented; an imitation to which they may have been led by the
familiar delineation of such objects in their hieroglyphics. In all
this we see the dawning of a literary culture, surpassed, however,
by their attainments in the severer walks of mathematical science.
They devised a system of notation in their arithmetic,
sufficiently simple. The first twenty numbers were expressed by a
corresponding number of dots. The first five had specific names; after
which they were represented by combining the fifth with one of the
four preceding: as five and one for six, five and two for seven, and
so on. Ten and fifteen had each a separate name, which was also
combined with the first four, to express a higher quantity. These
four, therefore, were the radical characters of their oral arithmetic,
in the same manner as they were of the written with the ancient
Romans; a more simple arrangement, probably, than any existing among
Europeans. Twenty was expressed by a separate hieroglyphic,- a flag.
Larger sums were reckoned by twenties, and, in writing, by repeating
the number of flags. The square of twenty, four hundred, had a
separate sign, that of a plume, and so had the cube of twenty, or
eight thousand, which was denoted by a purse, or sack. This was the
whole arithmetical apparatus of the Mexicans, by the combination of
which they were enabled to indicate any quantity. For greater
expedition, they used to denote fractions of the larger sums by
drawing only a part of the object. Thus, half or three-fourths of a
plume, or of a purse, represented that proportion of their
respective sums, and so on. With all this, the machinery will appear
very awkward to us, who perform our operations with so much ease by
means of the Arabic, or rather, Indian ciphers. It is not much more
awkward, however, than the system pursued by the great
mathematicians of antiquity unacquainted with the brilliant
invention which has given a new aspect to mathematical science, of
determining the value, in a great measure, by the relative position of
the figures.
In the measurement of time, the Aztecs adjusted their civil year
by the solar. They divided it into eighteen months of twenty days
each. Both months and days were expressed by peculiar
hieroglyphics,- those of the former often intimating the season of the
year, like the French months, at the period of the Revolution. Five
complementary days, as in Egypt, were added, to make up the full
number of three hundred and sixty-five. They belonged to no month, and
were regarded as peculiarly unlucky. A month was divided into four
weeks, of five days each, on the last of which was the public fair
or market day. This arrangement, different from that of the nations of
the Old Continent, whether of Europe or Asia, has the advantage of
giving an equal number of days to each month, and of comprehending
entire weeks, without a fraction, both in the months and in the year.
As the year is composed of nearly six hours more than three
hundred and sixty-five days, there still remained an excess, which,
like other nations who have framed a calendar, they provided for by
intercalation; not, indeed, every fourth year, as the Europeans, but
at longer intervals, like some of the Asiatics. They waited till the
expiration of fifty-two vague years, when they interposed thirteen
days, or rather twelve and a half, this being the number which had
fallen in arrear. Had they inserted thirteen, it would have been too
much, since the annual excess over three hundred and sixty-five is
about eleven minutes less than six hours. But, as their calendar, at
the time of the Conquest, was found to correspond with the European
(making allowance for the subsequent Gregorian reform), they would
seem to have adopted the shorter period of twelve days and a half,
which brought them, within an almost inappreciable fraction, to the
exact length of the tropical year, as established by the most accurate
observations. Indeed, the intercalation of twenty-five days, in
every hundred and four years, shows a nicer adjustment of civil to
solar time than is presented by any European calendar; since more than
five centuries must elapse, before the loss of an entire day. Such was
the astonishing precision displayed by the Aztecs, or, perhaps, by
their more polished Toltec predecessors, in these computations, so
difficult as to have baffled, till a comparatively recent period,
the most enlightened nations of Christendom!
The chronological system of the Mexicans, by which they determined
the date of any particular event, was also very remarkable. The epoch,
from which they reckoned, corresponded with the year 1091, of the
Christian era. It was the period of the reform of their calendar, soon
after their migration from Aztlan. They threw the years, as already
noticed, into great cycles, of fifty-two each, which they called
"sheafs," or "bundles," and represented by a quantity of reeds bound
together by a string. As often as this hieroglyphic occurs in their
maps, it shows the number of half centuries. To enable them to specify
any particular year, they divided the great cycle into four smaller
cycles, or indictions, of thirteen years each. They then adopted two
periodical series of signs, one consisting of their numerical dots
up to thirteen, the other, of four hieroglyphics of the years.*
These latter they repeated in regular succession, setting against each
one a number of the corresponding series of dots, continued also in
regular succession up to thirteen. The same system was pursued through
the four indictions, which thus, it will be observed, began always
with a different hieroglyphic of the year from the preceding; and in
this way, each of the hieroglyphics was made to combine successively
with each of the numerical signs, but never twice with the same; since
four, and thirteen, the factors of fifty-two,- the number of years
in the cycle,- must admit of just as many combinations as are equal to
their product. Thus every year had its appropriate symbol, by which it
was, at once, recognised. And this symbol, preceded by the proper
number of "bundles," indicating the half centuries, showed the precise
time which had elapsed since the national epoch of 1091. The ingenious
contrivance of a periodical series, in place of the cumbrous system of
hieroglyphical notation, is not peculiar to the Aztecs, and is to be
found among various people on the Asiatic continent,- the same in
principle, though varying materially in arrangement.

* These hieroglyphics were a "rabbit," a "reed," a "flint," a
"house."

(SEE ILLUSTRATION.)

The solar calendar, above described, might have answered all the
purposes of the nation; but the priests chose to construct another for
themselves. This was called a "lunar reckoning," though nowise
accommodated to the revolutions of the moon. It was formed, also, of
two periodical series; one of them consisting of thirteen numerical
signs, or dots, the other of the twenty hieroglyphics of the days.
But, as the product of these combinations would only be 260, and, as
some confusion might arise from the repetition of the same terms for
the remaining 105 days of the year, they invented a third series,
consisting of nine additional hieroglyphics, which, alternating with
the two preceding series, rendered it impossible that the three should
coincide twice in the same year, or indeed in less than 2340 days;
since 20 X 13 X 9 = 2340. Thirteen was a mystic number, of frequent
use in their tables. Why they resorted to that of nine, on this
occasion, is not so clear.
This second calendar rouses a holy indignation in the early
Spanish missionaries, and Father Sahagun loudly condemns it as "most
unhallowed, since it is founded neither on natural reason nor on the
influence of the planets, nor on the true course of the year; but is
plainly the work of necromancy, and the fruit of a compact with the
Devil!" One may doubt, whether the superstition of those who
invented the scheme was greater than that of those who impugned it. At
all events, we may, without having recourse to supernatural agency,
find in the human heart a sufficient explanation of its origin; in
that love of power, that has led the priesthood of many a faith to
affect a mystery, the key to which was in their own keeping.
By means of this calendar the Aztec priests kept their own
records, regulated the festivals and seasons of sacrifice, and made
all their astrological calculations. The astrological scheme of the
Aztecs was founded less on the planetary influences than on those of
the arbitrary signs they had adopted for the months and days. The
character of the leading sign, in each lunar cycle of thirteen days,
gave a complexion to the whole; though this was qualified, in some
degree, by the signs of the succeeding days, as well as by those of
the hours. It was in adjusting these conflicting forces that the great
art of the diviner was shown. In no country, not even in ancient
Egypt, were the dreams of the astrologer more implicitly deferred
to. On the birth of a child, he was instantly summoned. The time of
the event was accurately ascertained; and the family hung in trembling
suspense, as the minister of Heaven cast the horoscope of the
infant, and unrolled the dark volume of destiny. The influence of
the priest was confessed by the Mexican, in the very first breath
which he inhaled.
We know little further of the astronomical attainments of the
Aztecs. That they were acquainted with the cause of eclipses is
evident from the representation on their maps, of the disk of the moon
projected on that of the sun. Whether they had arranged a system of
constellations, is uncertain; though, that they recognised some of the
most obvious, as the Pleiades for example, is evident from the fact
that they regulated their festivals by them. We know of no
astronomical instruments used by them, except the dial. An immense
circular block of carved stone, disinterred in 1790, in the great
square of Mexico, has supplied an acute and learned scholar with the
means of establishing some interesting facts in regard to Mexican
science. This colossal fragment, on which the calendar is engraved,
shows that they had the means of settling the hours of the day with
precision, the periods of the solstices and of the equinoxes, and that
of the transit of the sun across the zenith of Mexico.
We cannot contemplate the astronomical science of the Mexicans, so
disproportioned to their progress in other walks of civilisation,
without astonishment. An acquaintance with some of the more obvious
principles of astronomy is within the reach of the rudest people. With
a little care, they may learn to connect the regular. changes of the
seasons with those of the place of the sun at his rising and
setting. They may follow the march of the great luminary through the
heavens, by watching the stars that first brighten on his evening
track, or fade in his morning beams. They may measure a revolution
of the moon by marking her phases, and may even form a general idea of
the number of such revolutions in a solar year. But that they should
be capable of accurately adjusting their festivals by the movements of
the heavenly bodies, and should fix the true length of the tropical
year, with a precision unknown to the great philosophers of antiquity,
could be the result only of a long series of nice and patient
observations, evincing no slight progress in civilisation. But
whence could the rude inhabitants of these mountain regions have
derived this curious erudition? Not from the barbarous hordes who
roamed over the higher latitudes of the north; nor from the more
polished races on the southern continent, with whom it is apparent
they had no intercourse. If we are driven, in our embarrassment,
like the greatest astronomer of our age, to seek the solution among
the civilised communities of Asia, we shall still be perplexed by
finding, amidst general resemblance of outline, sufficient discrepancy
in the details, to vindicate, in the judgments Of many, the Aztec
claim to originality.
I shall conclude the account of Mexican science with that of a
remarkable festival, celebrated by the natives at the termination of
the great cycle of fifty-two years. We have seen, in the preceding
chapter, their traditions of the destruction of the world at four
successive epochs. They looked forward confidently to another such
catastrophe, to take place like the preceding, at the close of a
cycle, when the sun was to be effaced from the heavens, the human race
from the earth, and when the darkness of chaos was to settle on the
habitable globe. The cycle would end in the latter part of December,
and, as the dreary season of the winter solstice approached, and the
diminished light of day gave melancholy presage of its speedy
extinction, their apprehensions increased; and, on the arrival of
the five "unlucky" days which closed the year, they abandoned
themselves to despair. They broke in pieces the little images of their
household gods, in whom they no longer trusted. The holy fires were
suffered to go out in the temples, and none were lighted in their
own dwellings. Their furniture and domestic utensils were destroyed;
their garments torn in pieces; and everything was thrown into
disorder, for the coming of the evil genii who were to descend on
the desolate earth.
On the evening of the last day, a procession of priests,
assuming the dress and ornaments of their gods, moved from the capital
towards a lofty mountain about two leagues distant. They carried
with them a noble victim, the flower of their captives, and an
apparatus for kindling the new fire, the success of which was an
augury of the renewal of the cycle. On reaching the summit of the
mountain, the procession paused till midnight; when, as the
constellation of the Pleiades approached the zenith, the new fire
was kindled by the friction of the sticks placed on the wounded breast
of the victim. The flame was soon communicated to a funeral pile, on
which the body of the slaughtered captive was thrown. As the light
streamed up towards heaven, shouts of joy and triumph burst forth from
the countless multitudes who covered the hills, the terraces of the
temples, and the house-tops, with eyes anxiously bent on the mount
of sacrifice. Couriers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon,
rapidly bore them over every part of the country; and the cheering
element was seen brightening on altar and hearthstone, for the circuit
of many a league, long before the Sun, rising on his accustomed track,
gave assurance that a new cycle had commenced its march, and that
the laws of nature were not to be reversed.
The following thirteen days were given up to festivity. The houses
were cleansed and whitened. The broken vessels were replaced by new
ones. The people, dressed in their gayest apparel, and crowned with
garlands and chaplets of flowers, thronged in joyous procession, to
offer up their oblations and thanksgiving in the temples. Dances and
games were instituted, emblematical of the regeneration of the
world. It was the carnival of the Aztecs; or rather the national
jubilee, the great secular festival, like that of the Romans, or
ancient Etruscans, which few alive had witnessed before,- or could
expect to see again.
Chapter V

AGRICULTURE- THE MECHANICAL ARTS- MERCHANTS-
DOMESTIC MANNERS

AGRICULTURE in Mexico was in the same advanced state as the
other arts of social life. In few countries, indeed, has it been
more respected. It was closely interwoven with the civil and religious
institutions of the nation. There were peculiar deities to preside
over it; the names of the months and of the religious festivals had
more or less reference to it. The public taxes, as we have seen,
were often paid in agricultural produce. All, except the soldiers
and great nobles, even the inhabitants of the cities, cultivated the
soil. The work was chiefly done by the men; the women scattering the
seed, husking the corn, and taking part only in the lighter labours of
the field.
There was no want of judgment in the management of their ground.
When somewhat exhausted, it was permitted to recover by lying
fallow. Its extreme dryness was relieved by canals, with which the
land was partially irrigated; and the same end was promoted by
severe penalties against the destruction of the woods, with which
the country, as already noticed, was well covered before the Conquest.
Lastly, they provided for their harvests ample granaries, which were
admitted by the conquerors to be of admirable construction. In this
provision we see the forecast of civilised man.
Amongst the most important articles of husbandry, we may notice
the banana, whose facility of cultivation and exuberant returns are so
fatal to habits of systematic and hardy industry. Another celebrated
plant was the cacao, the fruit of which furnished the chocolate,- from
the Mexican chocolatl,- now so common a beverage throughout Europe.
The vanilla, confined to a small district of the sea-coast, was used
for the same purposes, of flavouring their food and drink, as with us.
The great staple of the country, as, indeed, of the American
continent, was maize, or Indian corn, which grew freely along the
valleys, and up the steep sides of the Cordilleras to the high level
of the talbleland. The Aztecs were as curious in its preparation,
and as well instructed in its manifold uses, as the most expert New
England housewife. Its gigantic stalks, in these equinoctial
regions, afford a saccharine matter, not found to the same extent in
northern latitudes, and supplied the natives with sugar little
inferior to that of the cane itself, which was not introduced among
them till after the Conquest. But the miracle of nature was the
great Mexican aloe, or maguey, whose clustering pyramid of flowers,
towering above their dark coronals of leaves, were seen sprinkled over
many a broad acre of the tableland. As we have already noticed, its
bruised leaves afforded a paste from which paper was manufactured; its
juice was fermented into an intoxicating beverage, pulque, of which
the natives, to this day, are excessively fond; its leaves further
supplied an impenetrable thatch for the more humble dwellings; thread,
of which coarse stuffs were made, and strong cords, were drawn from
its tough and twisted fibres; pins and needles were made of the thorns
at the extremity of its leaves; and the root, when properly cooked,
was converted into a palatable and nutritious food. The agave, in
short, was meat, drink, clothing, and writing materials for the Aztec!
Surely, never did Nature enclose in so compact a form so many of the
elements of human comfort and civilisation!
It would be obviously out of place to enumerate in these pages all
the varieties of Plants, many of them of medicinal virtue, which
have been introduced from Mexico into Europe. Still less can I attempt
a catalogue of its flowers, which, with their variegated and gaudy
colours, form the greatest attraction of our greenhouses. The opposite
climates embraced within the narrow latitudes of New Spain have
given to it, probably, the richest and most diversified Flora to be
found in any country on the globe. These different products were
systematically arranged by the Aztecs, who understood their
properties, and collected them into nurseries, more extensive than any
then existing in the Old World. It is not improbable that they
suggested the idea of those "gardens of plants" which were
introduced into Europe not many years after the Conquest.
The Mexicans were as well acquainted with the mineral, as with the
vegetable treasures of their kingdom. Silver, lead, and, tin they drew
from the mines of Tasco; copper from the mountains of Zacotollan.
These were taken, not only from the crude masses on the surface, but
from veins wrought in the solid rock, into which they opened extensive
galleries. In fact, the traces of their labours furnished the best
indications for the early Spanish miners. Gold, found on the
surface, or gleaned from the beds of rivers, was cast into bars, or,
in the form of dust, made part of the regular tribute of the
southern provinces of the empire. The use of iron, with which the soil
was impregnated, was unknown to them. Notwithstanding its abundance,
it demands so many processes to prepare it for use, that it has
commonly been one of the last metals pressed into the service of
man. The age of iron has followed that of brass, in fact as well as in
fiction.
They found a substitute in an alloy of tin and copper; and, with
tools made of this bronze, could cut not only metals, but, with the
aid of a siliceous dust, the hardest substances, as basalt,
porphyry, amethysts, and emeralds. They fashioned these last, which
were found very large, into many curious and fantastic forms. They
cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carving them with their
metallic chisels in a very delicate manner. Some of the silver vases
were so large, that a man could not encircle them with his arms.
They imitated very nicely the figures of animals, and, what was
extraordinary, could mix the metals in such a manner, that the
feathers of a bird, or the scales of a fish, should be alternately
of gold and silver. The Spanish goldsmiths admitted their
superiority over themselves in these ingenious works.
They employed another tool, made of itztli, or obsidian, a dark
transparent mineral, exceedingly hard, found in abundance in their
hills. They made it into knives, razors, and their serrated swords. It
took a keen edge, though soon blunted. With this they wrought the
various stones and alabasters employed in the construction of their
public works and principal dwellings. I shall defer a more
particular account of these to the body of the narrative, and will
only add here, that the entrances and angles of the buildings were
profusely ornamented with images, sometimes of their fantastic
deities, and frequently of animals. The latter were executed with
great accuracy. "The former," according to Torquemada, "were the
hideous reflection of their own souls. And it was not till after
they had been converted to Christianity, that they could model the
true figure of a man." The old chronicler's facts are well founded,
whatever we may think of his reasons. The allegorical phantasms of his
religion, no doubt, gave a direction to the Aztec artist, in his
delineation of the human figure; supplying him with an imaginary
beauty in the personification of divinity, itself. As these
superstitions lost their hold on his mind, it opened to the influences
of a purer taste; and, after the Conquest, the Mexicans furnished many
examples of correct, and some of beautiful portraiture.
Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the
cathedral in the Plaza Mayor, the great square of Mexico, are said
to be entirely composed of them. This spot may, indeed, be regarded as
the Aztec forum,- the great depository of the treasures of ancient
sculpture, which now he hid in its bosom. Such monuments are spread
all over the capital, however, and a new cellar can hardly be dug,
or foundation laid, without turning up some of the mouldering relics
of barbaric art. But they are little heeded, and, if not wantonly
broken in pieces at once, are usually worked into the rising wall,
or supports of the new edifice! Two celebrated bas-reliefs of the last
Montezuma and his father, cut in the solid rock in the beautiful
groves of Chapoltepec, were deliberately destroyed, as late as the
last century, by order of the government! The monuments of the
barbarian meet with as little respect from civilised man, as those
of the civilised man from the barbarian.
The most remarkable piece of sculpture yet disinterred is the
great calendar stone, noticed in the preceding chapter. It consists of
dark porphyry, and in its original dimensions, as taken from the
quarry, is computed to have weighed nearly fifty tons. It was
transported from the mountains beyond Lake Chalco, a distance of
many leagues, over a broken country intersected by water-courses and
canals. In crossing a bridge which traversed one of these latter, in
the capital, the supports gave way, and the huge mass was precipitated
into the water, whence it was with difficulty recovered. The fact,
that so enormous a fragment of porphyry could be thus safely carried
for leagues, in the face of such obstacles, and without the aid of
cattle,- for the Aztecs had no animals of draught,- suggests to us
no mean ideas of their mechanical skill, and of their machinery; and
implies a degree of cultivation little inferior to that demanded for
the geometrical and astronomical science displayed in the inscriptions
on this very stone.
The ancient Mexicans made utensils of earthenware for the ordinary
purposes of domestic life, numerous specimens of which still exist.
They made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious
to wet, and gaudily coloured. Their dyes were obtained from both
mineral and vegetable substances. Among them was the rich crimson of
the cochineal, the modern rival of the famed Tyrian purple. It was
introduced into Europe from Mexico, where the curious little insect
was nourished with great care on plantations of cactus, since fallen
into neglect. The natives were thus enabled to give a brilliant
colouring to the webs, which were manufactured of every degree of
fineness from the cotton raised in abundance throughout the warmer
regions of the country. They had the art, also, of interweaving with
these the delicate hair of rabbits and other animals, which made a
cloth of great warmth as well as beauty, of a kind altogether
original; and on this they often laid a rich embroidery of birds,
flowers, or some other fanciful device.
But the art in which they most delighted was their plumaje, or
feather-work. With this they could produce all the effect of a
beautiful mosaic. The gorgeous plumage of the tropical birds,
especially of the parrot tribe, afforded every variety of colour;
and the fine down of the humming-bird, which revelled in swarms
among the honeysuckle bowers of Mexico, supplied them with soft aerial
tints that gave an exquisite finish to the picture. The feathers,
pasted on a fine cotton web, were wrought into dresses for the
wealthy, hangings for apartments, and ornaments for the temples. No
one of the American fabries excited such admiration in Europe, whither
numerous specimens were sent by the Conquerors. It is to be
regretted that so graceful an art should have been suffered to fall
into decay.
There were no shops in Mexico, but the various manufactures and
agricultural products were brought together for sale in the great
market-places of the principal cities. Fairs were held there every
fifth day, and were thronged by a numerous concourse of persons, who
came to buy or sell from all the neighbouring country. A particular
quarter was allotted to each kind of article. The numerous
transactions were conducted without confusion, and with entire
regard to justice, under the inspection of magistrates appointed for
the purpose. The traffic was carried on partly by barter, and partly
by means of a regulated currency, of different values. This
consisted of transparent quills of gold dust; of bits of tin, cut in
the form of a T; and of bags of cacao, containing a specified number
of grains. "Blessed money," exclaims Peter Martyr, "which exempts
its possessors from avarice, since it cannot be long hoarded, nor
hidden under ground!"
There did not exist in Mexico that distinction of castes found
among the Egyptian and Asiatic nations. It was usual, however, for the
son to follow the occupation of his father. The different trades
were arranged into something like guilds; having each a particular
district of the city appropriated to it, with its own chief, its own
tutelar deity, its peculiar festivals, and the like. Trade was held in
avowed estimation by the Aztecs. "Apply thyself, my son," was the
advice of an aged chief, "to agriculture, or to feather-work, or
some other honourable calling. Thus did your ancestors before you.
Else, how would they have provided for themselves and their
families? Never was it heard, that nobility alone was able to maintain
its possessor." Shrewd maxims, that must have sounded somewhat strange
in the ear of a Spanish hidalgo!
But the occupation peculiarly respected was that of the
merchant. It formed so important and singular a feature of their
social economy, as to merit a much more particular notice than it
has received from historians. The Aztec merchant was a sort of
itinerant trader, who made his journeys to the remotest borders of
Anahuac, and to the countries beyond, carrying with him merchandise of
rich stuffs, jewelry, slaves, and other valuable commodities. The
slaves were obtained at the great market of Azcapotzalco, not many
leagues from the capital, where fairs were regularly held for the sale
of these unfortunate beings. They were brought thither by their
masters, dressed in their gayest apparel, and instructed to sing,
dance, and display their little stock of personal accomplishments,
so as to recommend themselves to the purchaser. Slave-dealing was an
honourable calling among the Aztecs.
With this rich freight, the merchant visited the different
provinces, always bearing some present of value from his own sovereign
to their chiefs, and usually receiving others in return, with a
permission to trade. Should this be denied him, or should he meet with
indignity or violence, he had the means of resistance in his power. He
performed his journeys with a number of companions of his own rank,
and a large body of inferior attendants who were employed to transport
the goods. Fifty or sixty pounds were the usual load for a man. The
whole caravan went armed, and so well provided against sudden
hostilities, that they could make good their defence, if necessary,
till reinforced from home. In one instance, a body of these militant
traders stood a siege of four years in the town of Ayotlan, which they
finally took from the enemy. Their own government, however, was always
prompt to embark in a war on this ground, finding it a very convenient
pretext for extending the Mexican empire. It was not unusual to
allow the merchants to raise levies themselves, which were placed
under their command. It was, moreover, very common for the prince to
employ the merchants as a sort of spies, to furnish him information of
the state of the countries through which they passed, and the
dispositions of the inhabitants towards himself.
Thus their sphere of action was much enlarged beyond that of a
humble trader, and they acquired a high consideration in the body
politic. They were allowed to assume insignia and devices of their
own. Some of their number composed what is called by the Spanish
writers a council of finance; at least, this was the case in
Tezcuco. They were much consulted by the monarch, who had some of them
constantly near his person; addressing them by the title of "uncle,"
which may remind one of that of primo, or "cousin," by which a grandee
of Spain is saluted by his sovereign. They were allowed to have
their own courts, in which civil and criminal cases, not excepting
capital, were determined; so that they formed an independent
community, as it were, of themselves. And, as their various traffic
supplied them with abundant stores of wealth, they enjoyed many of the
most essential advantages of an hereditary aristocracy.
That trade should prove the path to eminent political preferment
in a nation but partially civilised, where the names of soldier and
priest are usually the only titles to respect, is certainly an anomaly
in history. It forms some contrast to the standard of the more
polished monarchies of the Old World, in which rank is supposed to
be less dishonoured by a life of idle ease or frivolous pleasure, than
by those active pursuits which promote equally the prosperity of the
state and of the individual. If civilisation corrects many prejudices,
it must be allowed that it creates others.
We shall be able to form a better idea of the actual refinement of
the natives, by penetrating into their domestic life, and observing
the intercourse between the sexes. We have fortunately the means of
doing this. We shall there find the ferocious Aztec frequently
displaying all the sensibility of a cultivated nature; consoling his
friends under affliction, or congratulating them on their good
fortune, as on occasion of a marriage, or of the birth or the
baptism of a child, when he was punctilious in his visits, bringing
presents of costly dresses and ornaments, or the more simple
offering of flowers, equally indicative of his sympathy. The visits,
at these times, though regulated with all the precision of Oriental
courtesy, were accompanied by expressions of the most cordial and
affectionate regard.
The discipline of children, especially at the public schools, as
stated in a previous chapter, was exceedingly severe. But after she
had come to a mature age, the Aztec maiden was treated by her
parents with a tenderness from which all reserve seemed banished. In
the counsels to a daughter about to enter into life, they conjured her
to preserve simplicity in her manners and conversation, uniform
neatness in her attire, with strict attention to personal cleanliness.
They inculcated modesty as the great ornament of a woman, and implicit
reverence for her husband; softening their admonitions by such
endearing epithets, as showed the fulness of a parent's love.
Polygamy was permitted among the Mexicans, though chiefly
confined, probably, to the wealthiest classes. And the obligations
of the marriage vow, which was made with all the formality of a
religious ceremony, were fully recognised, and impressed on both
parties. The women are described by the Spaniards as pretty, unlike
their unfortunate descendants of the present day, though with the same
serious and rather melancholy cast of countenance. Their long black
hair, covered, in some parts of the country, by a veil made of the
fine web of the pita, might generally be seen wreathed with flowers,
or among the richer people, with strings of precious stones, and
pearls from the Gulf of California. They appear to have been treated
with much consideration by their husbands; and passed their time in
indolent tranquillity, or in such feminine occupations as spinning,
embroidery and the like; while their maidens beguiled the hours by the
rehearsal of traditionary tales and ballads.
The woman partook equally with the men of social festivities and
entertainments. These were often conducted on a large scale, both as
regards the number of guests and the costliness of the preparations.
Numerous attendants, of both sexes, waited at the banquet. The halls
were scented with perfumes, and the courts strewed with odoriferous
herb and flowers, which were distributed in profusion among the
guests, as they arrived. Cotton napkins and ewers of water were placed
before them, as they took their seats at the board; for the
venerable ceremony of ablution, before and after eating, was
punctiliously observed by the Aztecs. Tobacco was then offered to
the company, in pipes, mixed up with aromatic substances, or in the
form of cigars, inserted in tubes of tortoise-shell or silver. They
compressed the nostrils with the fingers, while they inhaled the
smoke, which they frequently swallowed. Whether the women, who sat
apart from the men at table, were allowed the indulgence of the
fragrant weed as in the most polished circles of modern Mexico, is not
told us. It is a curious fact, that the Aztecs also took the dried
leaf in the pulverised form of snuff.
The table was well provided with substantial meats, especially
game; among which the most conspicuous was the turkey, erroneously
supposed, as its name imports, to have come originally from the
East. These more solid dishes were flanked by others of vegetables and
fruits, of every delicious variety found on the North American
continent. The different viands were prepared in various ways, with
delicate sauces and seasoning, of which the Mexicans were very fond.
Their palate was still further regaled by confections and pastry,
for which their maize-flour and sugar supplied ample materials. One
other dish, of a disgusting nature, was sometimes added to the
feast, especially when the celebration partook of a religious
character. On such occasions a slave was sacrificed, and his flesh
elaborately dressed, formed one of the chief ornaments of the banquet.
Cannibalism, in the guise of an Epicurean science, becomes even the
more revolting.
The meats were kept warm by chafing-dishes. The table was
ornamented with vases of silver, and sometimes gold, of delicate
workmanship. The drinking-cups and spoons were of the same costly
materials, and likewise of tortoise-shell. The favourite beverage
was the chocolatl, flavoured with vanilla and different spices. They
had a way of preparing the froth of it, so as to make it almost
solid enough to be eaten, and took it cold. The fermented juice of the
maguey, with a mixture of sweets and acids, supplied also various
agreeable drinks of different degrees of strength, and formed the
chief beverage of the elder part of the company.
As soon as they had finished their repast, the young people rose
from the table, to close the festivities of the day with dancing. They
danced gracefully, to the sound of various instruments, accompanying
their movements with chants of a pleasing, though somewhat plaintive
character. The older guests continued at table, sipping pulque, and
gossiping about other times, till the virtues of the exhilarating
beverage put them in good humour with their own. Intoxication was
not rare in this part of the company, and, what is singular, was
excused in them, though severely punished in the younger.
The Aztec character was perfectly original and unique. It was made
up of incongruities apparently irreconcilable. It blended into one the
marked peculiarities of different nations, not only of the same
place of civilisation, but as far removed from each other as the
extremes of barbarism and refinement. It may find a fitting parallel
in their own wonderful climate, capable of producing, on a few
square leagues of surface, the boundless variety of vegetable forms
which belong to the frozen regions of the North, the temperate zone of
Europe, and the burning skies of Arabia and Hindostan!
Chapter VI

THE TEZCUCANS- THEIR GOLDEN AGE- ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES-
DECLINE OF THEIR MONARCHY

THE reader would gather but an imperfect notion of the
civilisation of Anahuac, without some account of the Acolhuans, or
Tezcucans, as they are usually cared; a nation of the same great
family with the Aztecs, whom they rivalled in power, and surpassed
in intellectual culture and the arts of social refinement.
Fortunately, we have ample materials for this in the records left by
Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal line of Tezcuco, who
flourished in the century of the Conquest. With every opportunity
for information he combined much industry and talent, and, if his
narrative bears the high colouring of one who would revive the faded
glories of an ancient, but dilapidated house, he has been uniformly
commended for his fairness and integrity, and has been followed
without misgiving by such Spanish writers as could have access to
his manuscripts. I shall confine myself to the prominent features of
the two reigns which may be said to embrace the golden age of Tezcuco;
without attempting to weigh the probability of the details, which I
will leave to be settled by the reader, according to the measure of
his faith.
The Acolhuans came into the Valley, as we have seen, about the
close of the twelfth century, and built their capital of Tezcuco on
the eastern borders of the lake, opposite to Mexico. From this point
they gradually spread themselves over the northern portion of Anahuac,
when their career was cheeked by an invasion of a kindred race, the
Tepanecs, who, after a desperate struggle, succeeded in taking their
city, slaying their monarch, and entirely subjugating his kingdom.
This event took place about 1418; and the young prince,
Nezahualcoyotl, the heir to the crown, then fifteen years old, saw his
father butchered before his eyes, while he himself lay concealed among
the friendly branches of a tree, which overshadowed the spot. His
subsequent history is full of romantic daring and perilous escapes.
Not long after his flight from the field of his father's blood,
the Tezcucan prince fell into the hands of his enemy, was borne off in
triumph to his city, and was thrown into a dungeon. He effected his
escape, however, through the connivance of the governor of the
fortress, an old servant of his family, who took the place of the
royal fugitive, and paid for his loyalty with his life. He was at
length permitted, through the intercession of the reigning family in
Mexico, which was allied to him, to retire to that capital, and
subsequently to his own, where he found a shelter in his ancestral
palace. Here he remained unmolested for eight years, pursuing his
studies under an old preceptor, who had had the care of his early
youth, and who instructed him in the various duties befitting his
princely station.
At the end of this period the Tepanec usurper died, bequeathing
his empire to his son, Maxtla, a man of fierce and suspicious
temper. Nezahualcoyotl hastened to pay his obeisance to him, on his
accession. But the tyrant refused to receive the little present of
flowers which he laid at his feet, and turned his back on him in
presence of his chieftains. One of his attendants, friendly to the
young prince, admonished him to provide for his own safety, by
withdrawing, as speedily as possible, from the palace, where his
life was in danger. He lost no time, consequently, in retreating
from the inhospitable court, and returned to Tezcuco. Maxtla, however,
was bent on his destruction. He saw with jealous eye the opening
talents and popular manners of his rival, and the favour he was
daily winning from his ancient subjects.
He accordingly laid a plan for making away with him at an
evening entertainment. It was defeated by the vigilance of the
prince's tutor, who contrived to mislead the assassins, and to
substitute another victim in the place of his pupil. The baffled
tyrant now threw off all disguise, and sent a strong party of soldiers
to Tezcuco, with orders to enter the palace, seize the person of
Nezahualcoyotl, and slay him on the spot. The prince, who became
acquainted with the plot through the watchfulness of his preceptor,
instead of flying, as he was counselled, resolved to await his
enemy. They found him playing at ball, when they arrived, in the court
of his palace. He received them courteously and invited them in, to
take some refreshments after their journey. While they were occupied
in this way, he passed into an adjoining saloon, which excited no
suspicion, as he was still visible through the open doors by which the
apartments communicated with each other. A burning censer stood in the
passage, and, as it was fed by the attendants, threw up such clouds of
incense as obscured his movements from the soldiers. Under this
friendly veil he succeeded in making his escape by a secret passage,
which communicated with a large earthen pipe formerly used to bring
water to the palace. Here he remained till nightfall, when, taking
advantage of the obscurity, he found his way into the suburbs, and
sought a shelter in the cottage of one of his father's vassals.
The Tepanec monarch, enraged at this repeated disappointment,
ordered instant pursuit. A price was set on the head of the royal
fugitive. Whoever should take him, dead or alive, was promised,
however humble his degree, the hand of a noble lady, and an ample
domain along with it. Troops of armed men were ordered to scour the
country in every direction. In the course of the search, the cottage
in which the prince had taken refuge was entered. But he fortunately
escaped detection by being hid under a heap of maguey fibres used
for manufacturing cloth. As this was no longer a proper place for
concealment, he sought a retreat in the mountainous and woody district
lying between the borders of his own state and Tlascala.
Here he led a wretched wandering life, exposed to all the
inclemencies of the weather, hiding himself in deep thickets and
caverns, and stealing out at night to satisfy the cravings of
appetite; while he was kept in constant alarm by the activity of his
pursuers, always hovering on his track. On one occasion he sought
refuge from them among a small party of soldiers, who proved
friendly to him, and concealed him in a large drum around which they
were dancing. At another time, he was just able to turn the crest of a
hill, as his enemies were climbing it on the other side, when he
fell in with a girl who was reaping chian,- a Mexican plant, the
seed of which was much used in the drinks of the country. He persuaded
her to cover him up with the stalks she had been cutting. When his
pursuers came up, and inquired if she had seen the fugitive, the
girl coolly answered that she had, and pointed out a path as the one
he had taken. Notwithstanding the high rewards offered, Nezahualcoyotl
seems to have incurred no danger from treachery, such was the
general attachment felt to himself and his house. "Would you not
deliver up the prince, if he came in your way?" he inquired of a young
peasant who was unacquainted with his person. "Not I," replied the
other. "What, not for a fair lady's hand, and a rich dowry beside?"
rejoined the prince. At which the other only shook his head and
laughed. On more than one occasion, his faithful people submitted to
torture, and even to lose their lives, rather than disclose the
place of his retreat.
However gratifying such proofs of loyalty might be to his
feelings, the situation of the prince in these mountain solitudes
became every day more distressing. It gave a still keener edge to
his own sufferings to witness those of the faithful followers who
chose to accompany him in his wanderings. "Leave me," he would say
to them, "to my fate! Why should you throw away your own lives for one
whom fortune is never weary of persecuting?" Most of the great
Tezcucan chiefs had consulted their interests by a timely adhesion
to the usurper. But some still clung to their prince, preferring
proscription, and death itself, rather than desert him in his
extremity.
In the meantime, his friends at a distance were active in measures
for his relief. The oppressions of Maxtla, and his growing empire, had
caused general alarm in the surrounding states, who recalled the
mild rule of the Tezcucan princes. A coalition was formed, a plan of
operations concerted, and, on the day appointed for a general
rising, Nezahualcoyotl found himself at the head of a force
sufficiently strong to face his Tepanec adversaries. An engagement
came on, in which the latter were totally discomfited; and the
victorious prince, receiving everywhere on his route the homage of his
joyful subjects, entered his capital, not like a proscribed outcast,
but as the rightful heir, and saw himself once more enthroned in the
halls of his fathers.
Soon after, he united his forces with the Mexicans, long disgusted
with the arbitrary conduct of Maxtla. The allied powers, after a
series of bloody engagements with the usurper, routed him under the
walls of his own capital. He fled to the baths, whence he was
dragged out, and sacrificed with the usual cruel ceremonies of the
Aztecs; the royal city of Azcapotzalco was razed to the ground, and
the wasted territory was henceforth reserved as the great
slavemarket for the nations of Anahuac. These events were succeeded by
the remarkable league among the three powers of Tezcuco, Mexico, and
Tlacopan, of which some account has been given in a previous chapter.
The first measure of Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to his
dominions, was a general amnesty. It was his maxim, "that a monarch
might punish, but revenge was unworthy of him." In the present
instance, he was averse even to punish, and not only freely pardoned
his rebel nobles, but conferred on some, who had most deeply offended,
posts of honour and confidence. Such conduct was doubtless politic,
especially as their alienation was owing, probably, much more to
fear of the usurper, than to any disaffection towards himself. But
there are some acts of policy which a magnanimous spirit only can
execute.
The restored monarch next set about repairing the damages
sustained under the late misrule, and reviving, or rather
remodelling the various departments of government. He framed a
concise, but comprehensive, code of laws, so well suited, it was
thought, to the exigencies of the times, that it was adopted as
their own by the two other members of triple alliance.
He divided the burden of government among a number of departments,
as the council of war, the council of finance, the council of justice.
This last was a court of supreme authority, both in civil and criminal
matters, receiving appeals from the lower tribunals of the
provinces, which were obliged to make a full report, every four
months, or eighty days, of their own proceedings to this higher
judicature. In all these bodies, a certain number of citizens were
allowed to have seats with the nobles and professional dignitaries.
There was, however, another body, a council of state, for aiding the
king in the despatch of business, and advising him in matters of
importance, which was drawn altogether from the highest order of
chiefs. It consisted of fourteen members; and they had seats
provided for them at the royal table.
Lastly, there was an extraordinary tribunal, called the council of
music, but which, differing from the import of its name, was devoted
to the encouragement of science and art. Works on astronomy,
chronology, history, or any other science, were required to be
submitted to its judgment before they could be made public. This
censorial power was of some moment, at least with regard to the
historical department, where the wilful perversion of truth was made a
capital offence by the bloody code of Nezahualcoyotl. Yet a Tezcucan
author must have been a bungler, who could not elude a conviction
under the cloudy veil of hieroglyphics. This body, which was drawn
from the best instructed persons in the kingdom, with little regard to
rank, had supervision of all the productions of art, and of the
nicer fabrics. It decided on the qualifications of the professors in
the various branches of science, on the fidelity of their instructions
to their pupils, the deficiency of which was severely punished, and it
instituted examinations of these latter. In short it was a general
board of education for the country. On stated days, historical
compositions, and poems treating of moral or traditional topics,
were recited before it by their authors. Seats were provided for the
three crowned heads of the empire, who deliberated with the other
members on the respective merits of the pieces, and distributed prizes
of value to the successful competitors.
The influence of this academy must have been most propitious to
the capital, which became the nursery not only of such sciences as
could be compassed by the scholarship of the period, but of various
useful and ornamental arts. Its historians, orators, and poets were
celebrated throughout the country. Its archives, for which
accommodations were provided in the royal palace, were stored with the
records of primitive ages. Its idiom, more polished than the
Mexican, was indeed the purest of all the Nahuatlac dialects; and
continued, long after the Conquest, to be that in which the best
productions of the native races were composed. Tezcuco claimed the
glory of being the Athens of the Western World.
Among the most illustrious of her bards was the emperor
himself,- for the Tezcucan writers claim this title for their chief,
as head of the imperial alliance. He, doubtless, appeared as a
competitor before that very academy where he so often sat as a critic.
But the hours of the Tezcucan monarch were not all passed in idle
dalliance with the Muse, nor in the sober contemplations of
philosophy, as at a later period. In the freshness of youth and
early manhood, he led the allied armies in their annual expeditions,
which were certain to result in a wider extent of territory to the
empire. In the intervals of peace he fostered those productive arts
which are the surest sources of public prosperity. He encouraged
agriculture above all; and there was scarcely a spot so rude, or a
steep so inaccessible, as not to confess the power of cultivation. The
land was covered with a busy population, and towns and cities sprung
up in places since deserted, or dwindled into miserable villages.
From resources thus enlarged by conquest and domestic industry,
the monarch drew the means for the large consumption of his own
numerous household, and for the costly works which he executed for the
convenience and embellishment of the capital. He fined it with stately
edifices for his nobles, whose constant attendance he was anxious to
secure at his court. He erected a magnificent pile of buildings
which might serve both for a royal residence and for the public
offices. It extended, from east to west, twelve hundred and
thirty-four yards; and from north to south, nine hundred and
seventy-eight. It was encompassed by a wall of unburnt bricks and
cement, six feet wide and nine high for one half of the circumference,
and fifteen feet high for the other half. Within this enclosure were
two courts. The outer one was used as the great marketplace of the
city; and continued to be so until long after the Conquest. The
interior court was surrounded by the council chambers and halls of
justice. There were also accommodations there. for the foreign
ambassadors; and a spacious saloon, with apartments: opening into
it, for men of science and poets, who pursued their studies in this
retreat, or met together to hold converse under its marble porticos.
In this quarter, also, were kept the public archives; which fared
better under the Indian dynasty than they have since under their
European successors.
Adjoining this court were the apartments of the king, including
those for the royal harem, as liberally supplied with beauties as that
of an eastern sultan. Their walls were incrusted with alabasters,
and richly tinted stucco, or hung with gorgeous tapestries of
variegated feather-work. They led through long arcades, and through
intricate labyrinths of shrubbery, into gardens, where baths and
sparkling fountains were overshadowed by tall groves of cedar and
cypress. The basins of water were well stocked with fish of various
kinds, and the aviaries with birds glowing in all the gaudy plumage of
the tropics. Many birds and animals, which could not be obtained
alive, were represented in gold and silver so skillfully as to have
furnished the great naturalist Hernandez with models.
Accommodations on a princely scale were provided for the
sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan, when they visited the court. The
whole of this lordly pile contained three hundred apartments, some
of them fifty yards square. The height of the building is not
mentioned. It was probably not great; but supplied the requisite
room by the immense extent of ground which it covered. The interior
was doubtless constructed of fight materials, especially of the rich
woods, which, in that country, are remarkable, when polished, for
the brilliancy and variety of their colours. That the more solid
materials of stone and stucco were also liberally employed, is
proved by the remains at the present day; remains which have furnished
an inexhaustible quarry for the churches and other edifices since
erected by the Spaniards on the site of the ancient city.
We are not informed of the time occupied in building this
palace; but two hundred thousand workmen, it is said, were employed on
it! However this may be, it is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs,
like those of Asia, and ancient Egypt, had the control of immense
masses of men, and would sometimes turn the whole population of a
conquered city, including the women, into the public works.- The
most gigantic monuments of architecture which the world has
witnessed would never have been reared by the hands of freemen.
Adjoining the palace were buildings for the king's children,
who, by his various wives, amounted to no less than sixty sons and
fifty daughters. Here they were instructed in all the exercises and
accomplishments suited to their station; comprehending, what would
scarcely find a place in a royal education on the other side of the
Atlantic,- the arts of working in metals, jewelry, and feather-mosaic.
Once in every four months, the whole household, not excepting the
youngest, and including all the officers and attendants on the
king's person, assembled in a grand saloon of the palace, to listen to
a discourse from an orator, probably one of the priesthood. The
princes, on this occasion, were all dressed in nequen, the coarsest
manufacture of the country. The preacher began by enlarging on the
obligations of morality, and of respect for the gods, especially
important in persons whose rank gave such additional weight to
example. He occasionally seasoned his homily with a pertinent
application to his audience, if any member of it had been guilty of
a notorious delinquency. from this wholesome admonition the monarch
himself was not exempted, and the orator boldly reminded him of his
paramount duty to show respect for his own laws. The king, so far from
taking umbrage, received the lesson with humility: and the audience,
we are assured, were often melted into tears by the eloquence of the
preacher.
Nezahualcoyotl's fondness for magnificence was shown in his
numerous villas, which were embellished with all that could make a
rural retreat delightful. His favourite residence was at
Tezcotzinco; a conical hill about two leagues from the capital. It was
laid out in terraces, or hanging gardens, having a flight of steps
five hundred and twenty in number, many of them hewn in the natural
porphyry. In the garden on the summit was a reservoir of water, fed by
an aqueduct that was carried over hill and valley, for several
miles, on huge buttresses of masonry. A large rock stood in the
midst of this basin, sculptured with the hieroglyphics representing
the years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign and his principal achievements
in each. On a lower level were three other reservoirs, in each of
which stood a marble statue of a woman, emblematic of the three states
of the empire. Another tank contained a winged lion, cut out of the
solid rock, bearing in his mouth the portrait of the emperor. His
likeness had been executed in gold, wood, feather-work, and stone, but
this was the only one which pleased him.
From these copious basins the water was distributed in numerous
channels through the gardens, or was made to tumble over the rocks
in cascades, shedding refreshing dews on the flowers and odoriferous
shrubs below. In the depths of this fragrant wilderness, marble
porticos and pavilions were erected, and baths excavated in the
solid porphyry. The visitor descended by steps cut in the living
stone, and polished so bright as to reflect like mirrors. Towards
the base of the hill, in the midst of cedar groves, whose gigantic
branches threw a refreshing coolness over the verdure in the sultriest
seasons of the year, rose the royal villa, with its light arcades
and airy halls, drinking in the sweet perfumes of the gardens. Here
the monarch often retired, to throw off the burden of state, and
refresh his wearied spirits in the society of his favourite wives,
reposing during the noontide heats in the embowering shades of his
paradise, or mingling, in the cool of the evening, in their festive
sports and dances. Here he entertained his imperial brothers of Mexico
and Tlacopan, and followed the hardier pleasures of the chase in the
noble woods that stretched for miles around his villa, flourishing
in all their primeval majesty. Here, too, he often repaired in the
latter days of his life, when age had tempered ambition and cooled the
ardour of his blood, to pursue in solitude the studies of philosophy
and gather wisdom from meditation.
It was not his passion to hoard. He dispensed his revenues
munificently, seeking out poor, but meritorious objects, on whom to
bestow them. He was particularly mindful of disabled soldiers, and
those who had in any way sustained loss in the public service; and, in
case of their death, extended assistance to their surviving
families. Open mendicity was a thing he would never tolerate, but
chastised it with exemplary rigour.
It would be incredible, that a man of the enlarged mind and
endowments of Nezahualcoyotl should acquiesce in the sordid
superstitions of his countrymen, and still more in the sanguinary
rites borrowed by them from the Aztecs. In truth, his humane temper
shrunk from these cruel ceremonies, and he strenuously endeavoured
to recall his people to the more pure and simple worship of the
ancient Toltecs. A circumstance produced a temporary change in his
conduct. He had been married some years, but was not blessed with
issue. The priests represented that it was owing to his neglect of the
gods of his country, and that his only remedy was to propitiate them
by human sacrifice. The king reluctantly consented, and the altars
once more smoked with the blood of slaughtered captives. But it was
all in vain; and he indignantly exclaimed, "These idols of wood and
stone can neither hear nor feel; much less could they make the heavens
and the earth, and man, the lord of it. These must be the work of
the all-powerful, unknown God, Creator of the universe, on whom
alone I must rely for consolation and support."
He then withdrew to his rural palace of Tezcotzinco, where he
remained forty days, fasting and praying at stated hours, and offering
up no other sacrifice than the sweet incense of copal, and aromatic
herbs and gums. At the expiration of this time, he is said to have
been comforted by a vision assuring him of the success of his
petition. At all events, such proved to be the fact; and this was
followed by the cheering intelligence of the triumph of his arms in
a quarter where he had lately experienced some humiliating reverses.
Greatly strengthened in his former religious convictions, he now
openly professed his faith, and was more earnest to wean his
subjects from their degrading superstitions, and to substitute
nobler and more spiritual conceptions of the Deity. He built a
temple in the usual pyramidal form, and on the summit a tower nine
stories high, to represent the nine heavens; a tenth was surmounted by
a roof painted black, and profusely gilded with stars on the
outside, and incrusted with metals and precious stones within. He
dedicated this to "the unknown God, the Cause of causes." It seems
probable, from the emblem on the tower, as well as from the complexion
of his verses, as we shall see, that he mingled with his reverence for
the Supreme the astral worship which existed among the Toltecs.
Various musical instruments were placed on the top of the tower, and
the sound of them, accompanied by the ringing of a sonorous metal
struck by a mallet, summoned the worshippers to prayers at regular
seasons. No image was allowed in the edifice, as unsuited to the
"invisible God"; and the people were expressly prohibited from
profaning the altars with blood, or any other sacrifice than that of
the perfume of flowers and sweet-scented gums.
The remainder of his days was chiefly spent in his delicious
solitudes of Tezcotzinco, where he devoted himself to astronomical
and, probably, astrological studies, and to meditation on his immortal
destiny,- giving utterance to his feelings in songs, or rather
hymns, of much solemnity and pathos. At length, about the year 1470,
Nezahualcoyotl, full of years and honours, felt himself drawing near
his end. Almost half a century had elapsed since he mounted the throne
of Tezcuco. He had found his kingdom dismembered by faction, and bowed
to the dust beneath the yoke of a foreign tyrant. He had broken that
yoke; and breathed new life into the nation, renewed its ancient
institutions, extended wide its domain; had seen it flourishing in all
the activity of trade and agriculture, gathering strength from its
enlarged resources, and daily advancing higher and higher in the great
march of civilisation All this he had seen, and might fairly attribute
no small portion of it to his own wise and beneficent rule. His long
and glorious day was now drawing to its close; and he contemplated the
event with the same serenity which he had shown under the clouds of
its morning and in its meridian splendour.
A short time before his death, he gathered around him those of his
children in whom he most confided, his chief counsellors, the
ambassadors of Mexico and Tlacopan, and his little son, the heir to
the crown, his only offspring by the queen. He was then not eight
years old; but had already given, as far as so tender a blossom might,
the rich promise of future excellence.
After tenderly embracing the child, the dying monarch threw over
him the robes of sovereignty. He then gave audience to the
ambassadors, and when they had retired, made the boy repeat the
substance of the conversation. He followed this by such counsels as
were suited to his comprehension, and which when remembered through
the long vista of after years, would serve as lights to guide him in
his government of the kingdom. He besought him not to neglect the
worship of "the unknown God," regretting that he himself had been
unworthy to know him, and intimating his conviction that the time
would come when he should be known and worshipped throughout the land.
He next addressed himself to that one of his sons in whom he
Placed the greatest trust, and whom he had selected as the guardian of
the realm. "From this hour," he said to him, "you will fill the
place that I have filled, of father to this child; you will teach
him to live as he ought; and by your counsels he will rule over the
empire. Stand in his place, and be his guide, till he shall be of
age to govern for himself." Then, turning to his other children, he
admonished them to live united with one another, and to show all
loyalty to their prince, who, though a child, already manifested a
discretion far above his years. "Be true to him," he added, "and he
will maintain you in your rights and dignities."
Feeling his end approaching, he exclaimed, "Do not bewail me
with idle lamentations. But sing the song of gladness, and show a
courageous spirit, that the nations I have subdued may not believe you
disheartened, but may feel that each one of you is strong enough to
keep them in obedience!" The undaunted spirit of the monarch shone
forth even in the agonies of death. That stout heart, however,
melted as he took leave of his children and friends, weeping
tenderly over them, while he bade each a last adieu. When they had
withdrawn, he ordered the officers of the palace to allow no one to
enter it again. Soon after he expired, in the seventy-second year of
his age, and the forty-third of his reign.
Thus died the greatest monarch and, perhaps, the best who ever sat
upon an Indian throne. His character is delineated with tolerable
impartiality by his kinsman, the Tezcucan chronicler. "He was wise,
valiant, liberal; and, when we consider the magnanimity of his soul,
the grandeur and success of his enterprises, his deep policy, as
well as daring, we must admit him to have far surpassed every other
prince and captain of this New World. He had few failings himself, and
rigorously punished those of others. He preferred the public to his
private interest; was most charitable in his nature, often buying
articles at double their worth of poor and honest persons, and
giving them away again to the sick and infirm. In seasons of
scarcity he was particularly bountiful, remitting the taxes of his
vassals, and supplying their wants from the royal granaries. He put no
faith in the idolatrous worship of the country. He was well instructed
in moral science, and sought, above all things, to obtain light for
knowing the true God. He believed in one God only, the Creator of
heaven and earth, by whom we have our being, who never revealed
himself to us in human form, nor in any other; with whom the souls
of the virtuous are to dwell after death, while the wicked will suffer
pains unspeakable. He invoked the Most High, as Him by whom we live,
and 'Who has all things in himself.' He recognised the Sun for his
father, and the Earth for his mother. He taught his children not to
confide in idols, and only to conform to the outward worship of them
from deference to public opinion. If he could not entirely abolish
human sacrifices, derived from the Aztecs, he, at least, restricted
them to slaves and captives."
I have occupied so much space with this illustrious prince that
but little remains for his son and successor, Nezahualpilli. I have
thought better, in our narrow limits, to present a complete view of
a single epoch, the most interesting in the Tezcucan annals, than to
spread the inquiries over a broader, but comparatively barren field.
Yet Nezahualpilli, the heir to the crown, was a remarkable person, and
his reign contains many incidents, which I regret to be obliged to
pass over in silence.
Nezahualpilli resembled his father in his passion for astronomical
studies, and is said to have had an observatory on one of his palaces.
He was devoted to war in his youth, but, as he advanced in years,
resigned himself to a more indolent way of life, and sought his
chief amusement in the pursuit of his favourite science, or in the
soft pleasures of the sequestered gardens of Tezcotzinco. This quiet
life was ill suited to the turbulent temper of the times, and of his
Mexican rival, Montezuma. The distant provinces fell off from their
allegiance; the army relaxed its discipline; disaffection crept into
its ranks; and the wily Montezuma, partly by violence, and partly by
stratagems unworthy of a king, succeeded in plundering his brother
monarch of some of his most valuable domains. Then it was that he
arrogated to himself the title and supremacy of emperor, hitherto
borne by the Tezcucan princes, as head of the alliance. Such is the
account given by the historians of that nation, who in this way,
explain the acknowledged superiority of the Aztec sovereign, both in
territory and consideration, on the landing of the Spaniards.
These misfortunes pressed heavily on the spirits of Nezahualpilli.
Their effect was increased by certain gloomy prognostics of a near
calamity which was to overwhelm the country. He withdrew to his
retreat, to brood in secret over his sorrows. His health rapidly
declined; and in the year 1515, at the age of fifty-two, he sunk
into the grave; happy, at least, that, by his timely death, he escaped
witnessing the fulfilment of his own predictions, in the ruin of his
country, and the extinction of the Indian dynasties, for ever.
In reviewing the brief sketch here presented of the Tezcucan
monarchy, we are strongly impressed with the conviction of its
superiority, in all the great features of civilisation, over the
rest of Anahuac. The Mexicans showed a similar proficiency, no
doubt, in the mechanic arts, and even in mathematical science. But
in the science of government, in legislation, in the speculative
doctrines of a religious nature, in the more elegant pursuits of
poetry, eloquence, and whatever depended on refinement of taste and
a polished idiom, they confessed themselves inferior, by resorting
to their rivals for instruction, and citing their works as the
masterpieces of their tongue. The best histories, the best poems,
the best code of laws, the purest dialect, were all allowed to be
Tezcucan.
What was the actual amount of the Tezcucan civilisation, it is
not easy to determine, with the imperfect light afforded us. It was
certainly far below anything which the word conveys, measured by a
European standard. In some of the arts, and in any walk of science,
they could only have made, as it were, a beginning. But they had
begun in the right way, and already showed a refinement in sentiment
and manners, a capacity for receiving instruction, which, under good
auspices, might have led them on to indefinite improvement.
Unhappily, they were fast falling under the dominion of the warlike
Aztecs. And that people repaid the benefits received from their more
polished neighbours by imparting to them their own ferocious
superstition, which, falling like a mildew on the land, would soon
have blighted its rich blossoms of promise, and turned even its
fruits to dust and ashes.
BOOK II:
Discovery of Mexico

Chapter I [1516-1518]

SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V- PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY- COLONIAL POLICY-
CONQUEST OF CUBA- EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN

IN the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain occupied
perhaps the most prominent position on the theatre of Europe. The
numerous states, into which she had been so long divided, were
consolidated into one monarchy. The Moslem crescent, after reigning
there for eight centuries, was no longer seen on her borders. The
authority of the crown did not, as in later times, overshadow the
inferior orders of the state. The people enjoyed the inestimable
privilege of political representation, and exercised it with manly
independence. The nation at large could boast as great a degree of
constitutional freedom as any other, at that time, in Christendom.
Under a system of salutary laws and an equitable administration,
domestic tranquillity was secured, public credit established, trade,
manufactures, and even the more elegant arts, began to flourish; while
a higher education called forth the first blossoms of that literature,
which was to ripen into so rich a harvest, before the close of the
century. Arms abroad kept pace with arts at home. Spain found her
empire suddenly enlarged, by important acquisitions, both in Europe
and Africa, while a New World beyond the waters poured into her lap
treasures of countless wealth, and opened an unbounded field for
honourable enterprise.
Such was the condition of the kingdom at the close of the long and
glorious reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, when on the 23rd of January,
1516, the sceptre passed into the hands of their daughter Joanna, or
rather their grandson, Charles the Fifth, who alone ruled the monarchy
during the long and imbecile existence of his unfortunate mother.
During the two years following Ferdinand's death, the regency, in
the absence of Charles, was held by Cardinal Ximenes, a man whose
intrepidity, extraordinary talents, and capacity for great
enterprises, were accompanied by a haughty spirit, which made him
too indifferent as to the means of their execution. His
administration, therefore, notwithstanding the uprightness of his
intentions, was, from his total disregard of forms, unfavourable to
constitutional liberty; for respect for forms is an essential
element of freedom. With all his faults, however, Ximenes was a
Spaniard; and the object he had at heart was the good of his country.
It was otherwise on the arrival of Charles, who, after a long
absence, came as a foreigner into the land of his fathers.
(November, 1517.) His manners, sympathies, even his language, were
foreign, for he spoke the Castilian with difficulty. He knew little of
his native country, of the character of the people or their
institutions. He seemed to care still less for them; while his natural
reserve precluded that freedom of communication which might have
counteracted, to some extent at least, the errors of education. In
everything, in short, he was a foreigner; and resigned himself to
the direction of his Flemish counsellors with a docility that gave
little augury of his future greatness.
On his entrance into Castile, the young monarch was accompanied by
a swarm of courtly sycophants, who settled, like locusts, on every
place of profit and honour throughout the kingdom. A Fleming was
made grand chancellor of Castile; another Fleming was placed in the
archiepiscopal see of Toledo. They even ventured to profane the
sanctity of the cortes by intruding themselves on its deliberations.
Yet that body did not tamely submit to these usurpations, but gave
vent to its indignation in tones becoming the representatives of a
free people.
The same pestilent foreign influence was felt, though much less
sensibly, in the Colonial administration. This had been placed, in the
preceding reign, under the immediate charge of the two great
tribunals, the Council of the Indies, and the Casa de Contratacion, or
India House at Seville. It was their business to further the
progress of discovery, watch over the infant settlements, and adjust
the disputes, which grew up in them. But the licences granted to
private adventurers did more for the cause of discovery than the
patronage of the crown or its officers. The long peace, enjoyed with
slight interruption by Spain in the early part of the sixteenth
century, was most auspicious for this; and the restless cavalier,
who could no longer win laurels on the fields of Africa and Europe,
turned with eagerness to the brilliant career opened to him beyond the
ocean.
It is difficult for those of our time, as familiar from
childhood with the most remote places on the globe as with those in
their own neighbourhood, to picture to themselves the feelings of
the men who lived in the sixteenth century. The dread mystery, which
had so long hung over the great deep, had indeed been removed. It
was no longer beset with the same undefined horrors as when Columbus
launched his bold bark on its dark and unknown waters. A new and
glorious world had been thrown open. But as to the precise spot
where that world lay, its extent, its history, whether it were
island or continent,- of all this, they had very vague and confused
conceptions. Many, in their ignorance, blindly adopted the erroneous
conclusion into which the great Admiral had been led by his superior
science,- that the new countries were a part of Asia; and, as the
mariner wandered among the Bahamas, or steered his caravel across
the Caribbean seas, he fancied he was inhaling the rich odours of
the spice-islands in the Indian Ocean. Thus every fresh discovery,
interpreted by his previous delusion, served to confirm him in his
error, or, at least, to fill his mind with new perplexities.
The career thus thrown open had all the fascinations of a
desperate hazard, on which the adventurer staked all his hopes of
fortune, fame, and life itself. It was not often, indeed, that he
won the rich prize which he most coveted; but then he was sure to
win the meed of glory, scarcely less dear to his chivalrous spirit;
and, if he survived to return to his home, he had wonderful stories to
recount, of perilous chances among the strange people he had
visited, and the burning climes, whose rank fertility and magnificence
of vegetation so far surpassed anything he had witnessed in his own.
These reports added fresh fuel to imaginations already warmed by the
study of those tales of chivalry which formed the favourite reading of
the Spaniards at that period. Thus romance and reality acted on each
other, and the soul of the Spaniard was exalted to that pitch of
enthusiasm, which enabled him to encounter the terrible trials that
lay in the path of the discoverer. Indeed, the life of the cavalier of
that day was romance put into action. The story of his adventures in
the New World forms one of the most remarkable pages in the history of
man.
Under this chivalrous spirit of enterprise, the progress of
discovery had extended, by the beginning of Charles the Fifth's reign,
from the Bay of Honduras, along the winding shores of Darien, and
the South American continent, to the Rio de la Plata. The mighty
barrier of the Isthmus had been climbed, and the Pacific descried,
by Nunez de Balboa, second only to Columbus in this valiant band of
"ocean chivalry." The Bahamas and Caribbee Islands had been explored,
as well as the Peninsula of Florida on the northern continent. To this
latter point Sebastian Cabot had arrived in his descent along the
coast from Labrador, in 1497. So that before 1518, the period when our
narrative begins, the eastern borders of both the great continents had
been surveyed through nearly their whole extent. The shores of the
great Mexican Gulf, however, sweeping with a wide circuit far into the
interior, remained still concealed, with the rich realms that lay
beyond, from the eye of the navigator. The time had now come for their
discovery.
The business of colonisation had kept pace with that of discovery.
In several of the islands, and in various parts of Terra Firma, and in
Darien, settlements had been established, under the control of
governors who affected the state and authority of viceroys. Grants
of land were assigned to the colonists, on which they raised the
natural products of the soil, but gave still more attention to the
suggar-cane, imported from the Canaries. Sugar, indeed, together
with the beautiful dye-woods of the country and the precious metals,
formed almost the only articles of export in the infancy of the
colonies, which had not yet introduced those other staples of the West
Indian commerce, which, in our day, constitute its principal wealth.
Yet the precious metals, painfully gleaned from a few scanty
sources, would have made poor returns, but for the gratuitous labour
of the Indians.
The cruel system of repartimientos, or distribution of the Indians
as slaves among the conquerors, had been suppressed by Isabella.
Although subsequently countenanced by the government, it was under the
most careful limitations. But it is impossible to license crime by
halves,- to authorise injustice at all, and hope to regulate the
measure of it. The eloquent remonstrances of the Dominicans,- who
devoted themselves to the good work of conversion in the New World
with the same zeal that they showed for persecution in the Old,-
but, above all, those of Las Casas, induced the regent Ximenes to send
out a commission with full powers to inquire into the alleged
grievances, and to redress them. It had authority, moreover, to
investigate the conduct of the civil officers, and to reform any
abuses in their administration. This extraordinary commission
consisted of three Hieronymite friars and an eminent jurist, all men
of learning and unblemished piety.
They conducted the inquiry in a very dispassionate manner; but,
after long deliberation, came to a conclusion most unfavourable to the
demands of Las Casas, who insisted on the entire freedom of the
natives. This conclusion they justified on the grounds that the
Indians would not labour without compulsion, and that, unless they
laboured, they could not be brought into communication with the
whites, nor be converted to Christianity. Whatever we may think of
this argument, it was doubtless urged with sincerity by its advocates,
whose conduct through their whole administration places their
motives above suspicion. They accompanied it with many careful
provisions for the protection of the natives,- but in vain. The simple
people, accustomed all their days to a life of indolence and ease,
sunk under the oppressions of their masters, and the population wasted
away with even more frightful rapidity than did the aborigines in
our own country, under the operation of other causes. It is not
necessary to pursue these details further, into which I have been
led by the desire to put the reader in possession of the general
policy and state of affairs in the New World, at the period when the
present narrative begins.
Of the islands, Cuba was the second discovered; but no attempt had
been made to plant a colony there during the lifetime of Columbus;
who, indeed, after skirting the whole extent of its southern coast,
died in the conviction that it was part of the continent. At length,
in 1511, Diego, the son and successor of the "Admiral," who still
maintained the seat of government in Hispaniola, finding the mines
much exhausted there, proposed to occupy the neighbouring island of
Cuba, or Fernandina, as it was called, in compliment to the Spanish
monarch. He prepared a small force for the conquest, which he placed
under the command of Don Diego Velasquez; a man described by a
contemporary, as "possessed of considerable experience in military
affairs, having served seventeen years in the European wars; as
honest, illustrious by his lineage and reputation, covetous of
glory, and somewhat more covetous of wealth." The portrait was
sketched by no unfriendly hand.
Velasquez, or rather his lieutenant Narvaez, who took the office
on himself of scouring the country, met with no serious opposition
from the inhabitants, who were of the same family with the
effeminate natives of Hispaniola. The conquest, through the merciful
interposition of Las Casas, "the protector of the Indians," who
accompanied the army in its march, was effected without much
bloodshed. One chief, indeed, named Hatuey, having fled originally
from St. Domingo to escape the oppression of its invaders, made a
desperate resistance, for which he was condemned by Velasquez to be
burned alive. It was he who made that memorable reply, more eloquent
than a volume of invective. When urged at the stake to embrace
Christianity, that his soul might find admission into heaven, he
inquired if the white men would go there. On being answered in the
affirmative, he exclaimed, "Then I will not be a Christian; for I
would not go again to a place where I must find men so cruel!" The
story is told by Las Casas in his appalling record of the cruelties of
his countrymen in the New World.
After the conquest, Velasquez, now appointed governor,
diligently occupied himself with measures for promoting the prosperity
of the island. He formed a number of settlements, bearing the same
names with the modern towns, and made St. Jago, on the south-east
corner, the seat of government. He invited settlers by liberal
grants of land and slaves. He encouraged them to cultivate the soil,
and gave particular attention to the sugar-cane, so profitable an
article of commerce in later times. He was, above all, intent on
working the gold mines, which promised better returns than those in
Hispaniola. The affairs of his government did not prevent him,
meanwhile, from casting many a wistful glance at the discoveries going
forward on the continent, and he longed for an opportunity to embark
in these golden adventures himself. Fortune gave him the occasion he
desired.
An hidalgo of Cuba, named Hernandez de Cordova, sailed with
three vessels on an expedition to one of the neighbouring Bahama
Islands, in quest of Indian slaves. (February 8, 1517.) He encountered
a succession of heavy gales which drove him far out of his course, and
at the end of three weeks he found himself on a strange but unknown
coast. On landing and asking the name of the country, he was
answered by the natives, "Tectetan," meaning, "I do not understand
you,"- but which the Spaniards, misinterpreting into the name of the
place, easily corrupted into Yucatan. Some writers give a different
etymology. Such mistakes, however, were not uncommon with the early
discoverers, and have been the origin of many a name on the American
continent.
Cordova had landed on the north-eastern end of the peninsula, at
Cape Catoche. He was astonished at the size and solid material of
the buildings constructed of stone and lime, so different from the
frail tenements of reeds and rushes which formed the habitations of
the islanders. He was struck, also, with the higher cultivation of the
soil, and with the delicate texture of the cotton garments and gold
ornaments of the natives. Everything indicated a civilisation far
superior to anything he had before witnessed in the New World. He
saw the evidence of a different race, moreover, in the warlike
spirit of the people. Rumours of the Spaniards had, perhaps,
preceded them, as they were repeatedly asked if they came from the
east; and wherever they landed, they were met with the most deadly
hostility. Cordova himself, in one of his skirmishes with the Indians,
received more than a dozen wounds, and one only of his party escaped
unhurt. At length, when he had coasted the peninsula as far as
Campeachy, he returned to Cuba, which he reached after an absence of
several months, having suffered all the extremities of ill, which
these pioneers of the ocean were sometimes called to endure, and which
none but the most courageous spirit could have survived. As it was,
half the original number, consisting of one hundred and ten men,
perished, including their brave commander, who died soon after his
return. The reports he had brought back of the country, and still
more, the specimens of curiously wrought gold, convinced Velasquez
of the importance of this discovery, and he prepared with all despatch
to avail himself of it.
He accordingly fitted out a little squadron of four vessels for
the newly discovered lands, and placed it under the command of his
nephew, Juan de Grijalva, a man on whose probity, prudence, and
attachment to himself he knew he could rely. The fleet left the port
of St. Jago de Cuba, May 1, 1518. It took the course pursued by
Cordova, but was driven somewhat to the south, the first land that
it made being the island of Cozumel. From this quarter Grijalva soon
passed over to the continent and coasted the peninsula, touching at
the same places as his predecessor. Everywhere he was struck, like
him, with the evidences of a higher civilisation, especially in the
architecture. He was astonished, also, at the sight of large stone
crosses, evidently objects of worship, which he met with in various
places. Reminded by these circumstances of his own country, he gave
the peninsula the name "New Spain," a name since appropriated to a
much wider extent of territory.
Wherever Grijalva landed, he experienced the same unfriendly
reception as Cordova, though he suffered less, being better prepared
to meet it. In the Rio de Tabasco or Grijalva, as it is often called
after him, he held an amicable conference with a chief, who gave him a
number of gold plates fashioned into a sort of armour. As he wound
round the Mexican coast, one of his captains, Pedro de Alvarado,
afterwards famous in the Conquest, entered a river, to which he also
left his own name. In a neighbouring stream, called the Rio de
Vanderas, or "River of Banners," from the ensigns displayed by the
natives on its borders, Grijalva had the first communication with
the Mexicans themselves.
The cacique who ruled over this province had received notice of
the approach of the Europeans, and of their extraordinary
appearance. He was anxious to collect all the information he could
respecting them, and the motives of their visit, that he might
transmit them to his master, the Aztec emperor. A friendly
conference took place between the parties on shore, where Grijalva
landed with all his force, so as to make a suitable impression on
the mind of the barbaric chief. The interview lasted some hours,
though, as there was no one on either side to interpret the language
of the other, they could communicate only by signs. They, however,
interchanged presents, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of
receiving, for a few worthless toys and trinkets, a rich treasure of
jewels, gold ornaments and vessels, of the most fantastic forms and
workmanship.
Grijalva now thought that in this successful traffic- successful
beyond his most sanguine expectations- he had accomplished the chief
object of his mission. He steadily refused the solicitations of his
followers to plant a colony on the spot,- a work of no little
difficulty in so populous and powerful a country as this appeared to
be. To this, indeed, he was inclined, but deemed it contrary to his
instructions, which limited him to barter with the natives. He
therefore despatched Alvarado in one of the caravels back to Cuba,
with the treasure and such intelligence as he had gleaned of the great
empire in the interior, and then pursued his voyage along the coast.
He touched at St. Juan de Ulua, and at the Isla de los
Sacrificios, so called by him from the bloody remains of human victims
found in one of the temples. He then held on his course as far as
the province of Panuco, where finding some difficulty in doubling a
boisterous headland, he returned on his track, and after an absence of
nearly six months, reached Cuba in safety. Grijalva has the glory of
being the first navigator who set foot on the Mexican soil, and opened
an intercourse with the Aztecs.
On reaching the island, he was surprised to learn that another and
more formidable armament had been fitted out to follow up his own
discoveries, and to find orders at the same time from the governor,
couched in no very courteous language, to repair at once to St.
Jago. He was received by that personage, not merely with coldness, but
with reproaches for having neglected so fair an opportunity of
establishing a colony in the country he had visited. Velasquez was one
of those captious spirits, who, when things do not go exactly to their
minds, are sure to shift the responsibility of the failure from
their own shoulders, where it should lie, to those of others. He had
an ungenerous nature, says an old writer, credulous, and easily
moved to suspicion. In the present instance it was most unmerited.
Grijalva, naturally a modest, unassuming person, had acted in
obedience to the instructions of his commander, given before
sailing; and had done this in opposition to his own judgment and the
importunities of his followers. His conduct merited anything but
censure from his employer.
When Alvarado had returned to Cuba with his golden freight, and
the accounts of the rich empire of Mexico which he had gathered from
the natives, the heart of the governor swelled with rapture as he
saw his dreams of avarice and ambition so likely to be realised.
Impatient of the long absence of Grijalva, he despatched a vessel in
search of him under the command of Olid, a cavalier who took an
important part afterwards in the Conquest. Finally he resolved to
fit out another armament on a sufficient scale to insure the
subjugation of the country.
He previously solicited authority for this from the Hieronymite
commission in St. Domingo. He then despatched his, chaplain to Spain
with the royal share of the gold brought from Mexico, and a full
account of the intelligence gleaned there. He set forth his own
manifold services, and solicited from the country full powers to go on
with the conquest and colonisation of the newly discovered regions.
Before receiving an answer, he began his preparations for the
armament, and, first of all, endeavoured to find a suitable person
to share the expense of it, and to take the command. Such a person
he found, after some difficulty and delay, in Hernando Cortes; the man
of all others best calculated to achieve this great enterprise,- the
last man to whom Velasquez, could he have foreseen the results,
would have confided it.
Chapter II [1518]

HERNANDO CORTES- HIS EARLY LIFE- VISITS THE NEW WORLD-
HIS RESIDENCE IN CUBA- DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ-
ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES

HERNANDO CORTES was born at Medellin, a town in the south-east
corner of Estremadura, in 1485. He came of an ancient and
respectable family; and historians have gratified the national
vanity by tracing it up to the Lombard kings, whose descendants
crossed the Pyrenees, and established themselves in Aragon under the
Gothic monarchy. This royal genealogy was not found out till Cortes
had acquired a name which would confer distinction on any descent,
however noble. His father, Martin Cortes de Monroy, was a captain of
infantry, in moderate circumstances, but a man of unblemished
honour; and both he and his wife, Dona Catalina Pizarro Altamirano,
appear to have been much regarded for their excellent qualities.
In his infancy Cortes is said to have had a feeble constitution,
which strengthened as he grew older. At fourteen, he was sent to
Salamanca, as his father, who conceived great hopes from his quick and
showy parts, proposed to educate him for the law, a profession which
held out better inducements to the young aspirant than any other.
The son, however, did not conform to these views. He showed little
fondness for books, and after loitering away two years at college,
returned home, to the great chagrin of his parents. Yet his time had
not been wholly misspent, since he had laid up a little store of
Latin, and learned to write good prose, and even verses "of some
estimation, considering"- as an old writer quaintly remarks- "Cortes
as the author." He now passed his days in the idle, unprofitable
manner of one who, too wilful to be guided by others, proposes no
object to himself. His buoyant spirits were continually breaking out
in troublesome frolics and capricious humours, quite at variance
with the orderly habits of his father's. household. He showed a
particular inclination for the military profession, or rather for
the life of adventure to which in those days it was sure to lead.
And when, at the age of seventeen, he proposed to enrol himself
under the banners of the Great Captain, his parents, probably thinking
a life of hardship and hazard abroad preferable to one of idleness
at home, made no objection.
The youthful cavalier, however, hesitated whether to seek his
fortunes under that victorious chief, or in the New World, where
gold as well as glory was to be won, and where the very dangers had
a mystery and romance in them inexpressibly fascinating to a
youthful fancy. It was in this direction, accordingly, that the hot
spirits of that day found a vent, especially from that part of the
country where Cortes lived, the neighbourhood of Seville and Cadiz,
the focus of nautical enterprise. He decided on this latter course,
and an opportunity offered in the splendid armament fitted out under
Don Nicolas de Ovando, successor to Columbus. An unlucky accident
defeated the purpose of Cortes.
As he was scaling a high wall, one night, which gave him access to
the apartment of a lady with whom he was engaged in an intrigue, the
stones gave way, and he was thrown down with much violence and
buried under the ruins. A severe contusion, though attended with no
other serious consequences, confined him to his bed till after the
departure of the fleet.
Two years longer he remained at home, profiting little, as it
would seem, from the lesson he had received. At length he availed
himself of another opportunity presented by the departure of a small
squadron of vessels bound to the Indian islands. He was nineteen years
of age when he bade adieu to his native shores in 1504,- the same year
in which Spain lost the best and greatest in her long line of princes,
Isabella the Catholic.
Immediately on landing, Cortes repaired to the house of the
governor, to whom he had been personally known in Spain. Ovando was
absent on an expedition into the interior, but the young man was
kindly received by the secretary, who assured him there would be no
doubt of his obtaining a liberal grant of land to settle on. "But I
came to get gold," replied Cortes, "not to till the soil like a
peasant."
On the governor's return, Cortes consented to give up his roving
thoughts, at least for a time, as the other laboured to convince him
that he would be more likely to realise his wishes from the slow,
indeed, but sure, returns of husbandry, where the soil and the
labourers were a free gift to the planter, than by taking his chance
in the lottery of adventure, in which there were so many blanks to a
prize. He accordingly received a grant of land, with a repartimiento
of Indians, and was appointed notary of the town or settlement of
Agua. His graver pursuits, however, did not prevent his indulgence
of the amorous propensities which belong to the sunny clime where he
was born; and this frequently involved him in affairs of honour,
from which, though an expert swordsman, he carried away sears that
accompanied him to his grave. He occasionally, moreover, found the
means of breaking up the monotony of his way of life by engaging in
the military expeditions which, under the command of Ovando's
lieutenant, Diego Velasquez, were employed to suppress the
insurrections of the natives. In this school the young adventurer
first studied the wild tactics of Indian warfare; he became familiar
with toil and danger, and with those deeds of cruelty which have too
often, alas! stained the bright scutcheons of the Castilian chivalry
in the New World. He was only prevented by illness- a most fortunate
one, on this occasion,- from embarking in Nicuessa's expedition, which
furnished a tale of woe, not often matched in the annals of Spanish
discovery. Providence reserved him for higher ends.
At length, in 1511, when Velasquez undertook the conquest of Cuba,
Cortes willingly abandoned his quiet life for the stirring scenes
there opened, and took part in the expedition. He displayed throughout
the invasion an activity and courage that won him the approbation of
the commander; while his free and cordial manners, his good humour,
and lively sallies of wit made him the favourite of the soldiers.
"He gave little evidence," says a contemporary, "of the great
qualities which he afterwards showed." It is probable these
qualities were not known to himself; while to a common observer his
careless manners and jocund repartees might well seem incompatible
with anything serious or profound; as the real depth of the current is
not suspected under the light play and sunny sparkling of the surface.
After the reduction of the island, Cortes seems to have been
held in great favour by Velasquez, now appointed its governor.
According to Las Casas, he was made one of his secretaries. He still
retained the same fondness for gallantry, for which his handsome
person afforded obvious advantages, but which had more than once
brought him into trouble in earlier life. Among the families who had
taken up their residence in Cuba was one of the name of Xuarez, from
Granada in Old Spain. It consisted of a brother, and four sisters
remarkable for their beauty. With one of them, named Catalina, the
susceptible heart of the young soldier became enamoured. How far the
intimacy was carried is not quite certain. But it appears he gave
his promise to marry her,- a promise which, when the time came, and
reason, it may be, had got the better of passion, he showed no
alacrity in keeping. He resisted, indeed, all remonstrances to this
effect from the lady's family, backed by the governor, and somewhat
sharpened, no doubt, in the latter by the particular interest he
took in one of the fair sisters, who is said not to have repaid it
with ingratitude.
Whether the rebuke of Velasquez, or some other cause of disgust,
rankled in the breast of Cortes, he now became cold toward his patron,
and connected himself with a disaffected party tolerably numerous in
the island. They were in the habit of meeting at his house and
brooding over their causes of discontent, chiefly founded, it would
appear, on what they conceived an ill requital of their services in
the distribution of lands and offices. It may well be imagined, that
it could have been no easy task for the ruler of one of these
colonies, however discreet and well intentioned, to satisfy the
indefinite cravings of speculators and adventurers, who swarmed,
like so many famished harpies, in the track of discovery in the New
World.
The malcontents determined to lay their grievances before the
higher authorities in Hispaniola, from whom Velasquez had received his
commission. The voyage was one of some hazard, as it was to be made in
an open boat, across an arm of the sea, eighteen leagues wide; and
they fixed on Cortes, with whose fearless spirit they were well
acquainted, as the fittest man to undertake it. The conspiracy got
wind, and came to the governor's ears before the departure of the
envoy, whom he instantly caused to be seized, loaded with fetters, and
placed in strict confinement. It is even said, he would have hung him,
but for the interposition of his friends.
Cortes did not long remain in durance. He contrived to throw
back one of the bolts of his fetters; and, after extricating his
limbs, succeeded in forcing open a window with the irons so as to
admit of his escape. He was lodged on the second floor of the
building, and was able to let himself down to the pavement without
injury, and unobserved. He then made the best of his way to a
neighbouring church, where he claimed the privilege of sanctuary.
Velasquez, though incensed at his escape, was afraid to violate
the sanctity of the place by employing force. But he stationed a guard
in the neighbourhood, with orders to seize the fugitive, if he
should forget himself so far as to leave the sanctuary. In a few
days this happened. As Cortes was carelessly standing without the
walls in front of the building, an alguacil suddenly sprung on him
from behind and pinioned his arms, while others rushed in and
secured him. This man, whose name was Juan Escudero, was afterwards
hung by Cortes for some offence in New Spain.
The unlucky prisoner was again put in irons, and carried on
board a vessel to sail the next morning for Hispaniola, there to
undergo his trial. Fortune favoured him once more. He succeeded
after much difficulty and no little pain, in passing his feet
through the rings which shackled them. He then came cautiously on
deck, and, covered by the darkness of the night, stole quietly down
the side of the ship into a boat that lay floating below. He pushed
off from the vessel with as little noise as possible. As he drew
near the shore, the stream became rapid and turbulent. He hesitated to
trust his boat to it; and, as he was an excellent swimmer, prepared to
breast it himself, and boldly plunged into the water. The current
was strong, but the arm of a man struggling for life was stronger; and
after buffeting the waves till he was nearly exhausted, he succeeded
in gaining a landing; when he sought refuge in the same sanctuary
which had protected him before. The facility with which Cortes a
second time effected his escape, may lead one to doubt the fidelity of
his guards; who perhaps looked on him as the victim of persecution,
and felt the influence of those popular manners which seem to have
gained him friends in every society into which he was thrown.
For some reason not explained,- perhaps from policy,- he now
relinquished his objections to the marriage with Catalina Xuarez. He
thus secured the good offices of her family. Soon afterwards the
governor himself relented, and became reconciled to his unfortunate
enemy. A strange story is told in connection with this event. It is
said, his proud spirit refused to accept the proffers of
reconciliation made him by Velasquez; and that one evening, leaving
the sanctuary, he presented himself unexpectedly before the latter
in his own quarters, when on a military excursion at some distance
from the capital. The governor, startled by the sudden apparition of
his enemy completely armed before him, with some dismay inquired the
meaning of it. Cortes answered by insisting on a full explanation of
his previous conduct. After some hot discussion the interview
terminated amicably; the parties embraced, and, when a messenger
arrived to announce the escape of Cortes, he found him in the
apartments of his Excellency, where, having retired to rest, both were
actually sleeping in the same bed! The anecdote is repeated without
distrust by more than one biographer of Cortes. It is not very
probable, however, that a haughty irascible man like Velasquez
should have given such uncommon proofs of condescension and
familiarity to one, so far beneath him in station, with whom he had
been so recently in deadly feud; nor, on the other hand, that Cortes
should have had the silly temerity to brave the lion in his den, where
a single nod would have sent him to the gibbet,- and that too with
as little compunction or fear of consequences as would have attended
the execution of an Indian slave.
The reconciliation with the governor, however brought about, was
permanent. Cortes, though not re-established in the office of
secretary, received a liberal repartimiento of Indians, and an ample
territory in the neighbourhood of St. Jago, of which he was soon after
made alcalde. He now lived almost wholly on his estate, devoting
himself to agriculture, with more zeal than formerly. He stocked his
plantation with different kinds of cattle, some of which were first
introduced by him into Cuba. He wrought, also, the gold mines which
fell to his share, and which in this island promised better returns
than those in Hispaniola. By this course of industry he found
himself in a few years master of some two or three thousand
castellanos, a large sum for one in his situation. "God, who alone
knows at what cost of Indian lives it was obtained," exclaims Las
Casas, "will take account of it!" His days glided smoothly away in
these tranquil pursuits, and in the society of his beautiful wife,
who, however ineligible as a connection, from the inferiority of her
condition, appears to have fulfilled all the relations of a faithful
and affectionate partner. Indeed, he was often heard to say at this
time, as the good bishop above quoted remarks, "that he lived as
happily with her as if she had been the daughter of a duchess."
Fortune gave him the means in after life of verifying the truth of his
assertion.
Such was the state of things, when Alvarado returned with the
tidings of Grijalva's discoveries, and the rich fruits of his
traffic with the natives. The news spread like wildfire throughout the
island; for all saw in it the promise of more important results than
any hitherto obtained. The governor, as already noticed, resolved to
follow up the track of discovery with a more considerable armament;
and he looked around for a proper person to share the expense of it,
and to take the command.
Several hidalgos presented themselves, whom, from want of proper
qualifications, or from his distrust of their assuming an independence
of their employer, he one after another rejected. There were two
persons in St. Jago in whom he placed great confidence,- Amador de
Lares, the contador, or royal treasurer, and his own secretary, Andres
de Duero. Cortes was also in close intimacy with both these persons;
and he availed himself of it to prevail on them to recommend him as
a suitable person to be intrusted with the expedition. It is said,
he reinforced the proposal by promising a liberal share of the
proceeds of it. However this may be, the parties urged his selection
by the governor with all the eloquence of which they were capable.
That officer had had ample experience of the capacity and courage of
the candidate. He knew, too, that he had acquired a fortune which
would enable him to co-operate materially in fitting out the armament.
His popularity in the island would speedily attract followers to his
standard. All past animosities had long since been buried in oblivion,
and the confidence he was now to repose in him would insure his
fidelity and gratitude. He lent a willing ear, therefore, to the
recommendation of his counsellors, and, sending for Cortes,
announced his purpose of making him captaingeneral of the armada.
Cortes had now attained the object of his wishes,- the object
for which his soul had panted, ever since he had set foot in the New
World. He was no longer to be condemned to a life of mercenary
drudgery; nor to be cooped up within the precincts of a petty
island; but he was to be placed on a new and independent theatre of
action, and a boundless perspective was opened to his view, which
might satisfy not merely the wildest cravings of avarice, but, to a
bold aspiring spirit like his, the far more important cravings of
ambition. He fully appreciated the importance of the late discoveries,
and read in them the existence of the great empire in the far West,
dark hints of which had floated from time to time in the islands,
and of which more certain glimpses had been caught by those who had
reached the continent. This was the country intimated to the "Great
Admiral" in his visit to Honduras in 1502, and which he might have
reached, had he held on a northern course, instead of striking to
the south in quest of an imaginary strait. As it was, "he had but
opened the gate," to use his own bitter expression, "for others to
enter." The time had at length come when they were to enter it; and
the young adventurer, whose magic lance was to dissolve the spell
which had so long hung over these mysterious regions, now stood
ready to assume the enterprise.
From this hour the deportment of Cortes seemed to undergo a
change. His thoughts, instead of evaporating in empty levities or idle
flashes of merriment, were wholly concentrated on the great object
to which he was devoted. His elastic spirits were shown in cheering
and stimulating the companions of his toilsome duties, and he was
roused to a generous enthusiasm, of which even those who knew him best
had not conceived him capable. He applied at once all the money in his
possession to fitting out the armament. He raised more by the mortgage
of his estates, and by giving his obligations to some wealthy
merchants of the place, who relied for their reimbursement on the
success of the expedition; and, when his own credit was exhausted,
he availed himself of that of his friends.
The funds thus acquired he expended in the purchase of vessels,
provisions, and military stores, while he invited recruits by offers
of assistance to such as were too poor to provide for themselves,
and by the additional promise of a liberal share of the anticipated
profits.
All was now bustle and excitement in the little town of St.
Jago. Some were busy in refitting the vessels and getting them ready
for the voyage; some in providing naval stores; others in converting
their own estates into money in order to equip themselves; every one
seemed anxious to contribute in some way or other to the success of
the expedition. Six ships, some of them of a large size, had already
been procured; and three hundred recruits enrolled themselves in the
course of a few days, eager to seek their fortunes under the banner of
this daring and popular chieftain.
How far the governor contributed towards the expenses of the
outfit is not very clear. If the friends of Cortes are to be believed,
nearly the whole burden fell on him; since, while he supplied the
squadron without remuneration, the governor sold many of his own
stores at an exorbitant profit. Yet it does not seem probable that
Velasquez, with such ample means at his command, should have thrown on
his deputy the burden of the expedition; nor that the latter, had he
done so, could have been in a condition to meet these expenses,
amounting, as we are told, to more than twenty thousand gold ducats.
Still it cannot be denied that an ambitious man like Cortes, who was
to reap all the glory of the enterprise, would very naturally be
less solicitous to count the gains of it, than his employer, who,
inactive at home, and having no laurels to win, must look on the
pecuniary profits as his only recompense. The question gave rise, some
years later, to a furious litigation between the parties, with which
it is not necessary at present to embarrass the reader.
It is due to Velasquez to state that the instructions delivered by
him for the conduct of the expedition cannot be charged with a
narrow or mercenary spirit. The first object of the voyage was to find
Grijalva, after which the two commanders were to proceed in company
together. Reports had been brought back by Cordova, on his return from
the first visit to Yucatan, that six Christians were said to be
lingering in captivity in the interior of the country. It was supposed
they might belong to the party of the unfortunate Nicuessa, and orders
were given to find them out, if possible, and restore them to liberty.
But the great object of the expedition was barter with the natives. In
pursuing this, special care was to be taken that they should receive
no wrong, but be treated with kindness and humanity. Cortes was to
bear in mind, above all things, that the object which the Spanish
monarch had most at heart was the conversion of the Indians. He was to
impress on them the grandeur and goodness of his royal master, to
invite them "to give in their allegiance to him, and to manifest it by
regaling him with such comfortable presents of gold, pearls, and
precious stones as, by showing their own good will, would secure his
favour and protection." He was to make an accurate survey of the
coast, sounding its bays and inlets for the benefit of future
navigators. He was to acquaint himself with the natural products of
the country, with the character of its different races, their
institutions and progress in civilisation; and he was to send home
minute accounts of all these, together with such articles as he should
obtain in his intercourse with them. Finally, he was to take the
most careful care to omit nothing that might redound to the service of
God or his sovereign.
Such was the general tenor of the instructions given to Cortes,
and they must be admitted to provide for the interests of science
and humanity, as wen as for those which had reference only to a
commercial speculation. It may seem strange, considering the
discontent shown by Velasquez with his former captain, Grijalva, for
not colonising, that no directions should have been given to that
effect here. But he bad not yet received from Spain the warrant for
investing his agents with such powers; and that which had been
obtained from the Hieronymite fathers in Hispaniola conceded only
the right to traffic with the natives. The commission at the same time
recognised the authority of Cortes as Captain General.
Chapter III [1518-1519]

JEALOUSY OF VELASQUEZ- CORTES EMBARKS- EQUIPMENT OF HIS FLEET-
HIS PERSON AND CHARACTER- RENDEZVOUS AT HAVANA-
STRENGTH OF HIS ARMAMENT

THE importance given to Cortes by his new position, and perhaps
a somewhat more lofty bearing, gradually gave uneasiness to the
naturally suspicious temper of Velasquez, who became apprehensive that
his officer, when away where he would have the power, might also
have the inclination, to throw off his dependence on him altogether.
An accidental circumstance at this time heightened these suspicions. A
mad fellow, his jester, one of those crack-brained wits,- half wit,
half fool,- who formed in those days a common appendage to every great
man's establishment, called out to the governor, as he was taking
his usual walk one morning with Cortes towards the port, "Have a care,
master Velasquez, or we shall have to go a hunting, some day or other,
after this same captain of ours!" "Do you hear what the rogue says?"
exclaimed the governor to his companion. "Do not heed him," said
Cortes, "he is a saucy knave, and deserves a good whipping." The words
sunk deep, however, in the mind of Velasquez,- as, indeed, true
jests are apt to stick.
There were not wanting persons about his Excellency, who fanned
the latent embers of jealousy into a blaze. These worthy gentlemen,
some of them kinsmen of Velasquez, who probably felt their own deserts
somewhat thrown into the shade by the rising fortunes of Cortes,
reminded the governor of his ancient quarrel with that officer, and of
the little probability that affronts so keenly felt at the time
could ever be forgotten. By these and similar suggestions, and by
misconstructions of the present conduct of Cortes, they wrought on the
passions of Velasquez to such a degree, that he resolved to intrust
the expedition to other hands.
He communicated his design to his confidential advisers, Lares and
Duero, and these trusty personages reported it without delay to
Cortes, although, "to a man of half his penetration," says Las
Casas, "the thing would have been readily divined from the
governor's altered demeanour." The two functionaries advised their
friend to expedite matters as much as possible, and to lose no time in
getting his fleet ready for sea, if he would retain the command of it.
Cortes showed the same prompt decision on this occasion, which more
than once afterwards in a similar crisis gave the direction to his
destiny.
He had not yet got his complement of men, nor of vessels; and
was very inadequately provided with supplies of any kind. But he
resolved to weigh anchor that very night. He waited on his officers,
informed them of his purpose, and probably of the cause of it; and
at midnight, when the town was hushed in sleep, they all went
quietly on board, and the little squadron dropped down the bay. First,
however, Cortes had visited the person whose business it was to supply
the place with meat, and relieved him of all his stock on hand,
notwithstanding his complaint that the city must suffer for it on
the morrow, leaving him, at the same time, in payment, a massive
gold chain of much value, which he wore round his neck.
Great was the amazement, of the good citizens of St. Jago, when,
at dawn, they saw that the fleet, which they knew was so ill
prepared for the voyage, had left its moorings and was busily
getting under way. The tidings soon came to the ears of his
Excellency, who, springing from his bed, hastily dressed himself,
mounted his horse, and, followed by his retinue, galloped down to
the quay. Cortes, as soon as he descried their approach, entered an
armed boat, and came within speaking distance of the shore. "And is it
thus you part from me!" exclaimed Velasquez; "a courteous way of
taking leave, truly!" "Pardon me," answered Cortes, "time presses,
and there are some things that should be done before they are even
thought of. Has your Excellency any commands?" But the mortified
governor had no commands to give; and Cortes, politely waving his
hand, returned to his vessel, and the little fleet instantly made sail
for the port of Macaca, about fifteen leagues distant. (November 18,
1518.) Velasquez rode back to his house to digest his chagrin as he
best might; satisfied, probably, that he had made at least two
blunders; one in appointing Cortes to the command,- the other in
attempting to deprive him of it. For, if it be true, that by giving
our confidence by halves, we can scarcely hope to make a friend, it is
equally true, that, by withdrawing it when given, we shall make an
enemy.
This clandestine departure of Cortes has been severely
criticised by some writers, especially by Las Casas. Yet much may be
urged in vindication of his conduct. He had been appointed to the
command by the voluntary act of the governor, and this had been
fully ratified by the authorities of Hispaniola. He had at once
devoted all his resources to the undertaking, incurring, indeed, a
heavy debt in addition. He was now be deprived of his commission,
without any misconduct having been alleged or at least proved
against him. Such an event must overwhelm him in irretrievable ruin,
to say nothing of the friends from whom he had so largely borrowed,
and the followers who had embarked their fortunes in the expedition on
the faith of his commanding it. There are few persons, probably, who
under these circumstances would have felt called tamely to acquiesce
in the sacrifice of their hopes to a groundless and arbitrary whim.
The most to have been expected from Cortes was, that he should feel
obliged to provide faithfully for the interests of his employer in the
conduct of the enterprise. How far he felt the force of this
obligation will appear in the sequel.
From Macaca, where Cortes laid in such stores as he could obtain
from the royal farms, and which, he said, he considered as "a loan
from the king," he proceeded to Trinidad; a more considerable town, on
the southern coast of Cuba. Here he landed, and erecting his
standard in front of his quarters, made proclamation, with liberal
offers to all who would join the expedition. Volunteers came in daily,
and among them more than a hundred of Grijalva's men, just returned
from their voyage, and willing to follow up the discovery under an
enterprising leader. The fame of Cortes attracted, also, a number of
cavaliers of family and distinction, some of whom, having
accompanied Grijalva, brought much information valuable for the
present expedition. Among these hidalgos may be mentioned Pedro de
Alvarado and his brothers, Christoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Juan
Velasquez de Leon, a near relation of the governor, Alonso Hernandez
de Puertocarrero, and Gonzalo de Sandoval,- all of them men who took a
most important part in the Conquest. Their presence was of great
moment, as giving consideration to the enterprise; and, when they
entered the little camp of the adventurers, the latter turned out to
welcome them amidst lively strains of music and joyous salvos of
artillery.
Cortes meanwhile was active in purchasing military stores and
provisions. Learning that a trading vessel laden with grain and
other commodities for the mines was off the coast, he ordered out
one of his caravels to seize her and bring her into port. He paid
the master in bills for both cargo and ship, and even persuaded this
man, named Sedeno, who was wealthy, to join his fortunes to the
expedition. He also despatched one of his officers, Diego de Ordaz, in
quest of another ship, of which he had tidings, with instructions to
seize it in like manner, and to meet him with it off Cape St. Antonio,
the westerly point of the island. By this he effected another
object, that of getting rid of Ordaz, who was one of the governor's
household, and an inconvenient spy on his own actions.
While thus occupied, letters from Velasquez were received by the
commander of Trinidad, requiring him to seize the person of Cortes,
and to detain him, as he had been deposed from the command of the
fleet, which was given to another. This functionary communicated his
instructions to the principal officers in the expedition, who
counselled him not to make the attempt, as it would undoubtedly lead
to a commotion among the soldiers, that might end in laying the town
in ashes. Verdugo thought it prudent to conform to this advice.
As Cortes was willing to strengthen himself by still further
reinforcements, he ordered Alvarado with a small body of men to
march across the country to the Havana, while he himself would sail
round the westerly point of the island, and meet him there with the
squadron. In this port he again displayed his standard, making the
usual proclamation. He caused all the large guns to be brought on
shore, and with the small arms and crossbows, to be put in order. As
there was abundance of cotton raised in this neighbourhood, he had the
jackets of the soldiers thickly quilted with it, for a defence against
the Indian arrows, from which the troops in the former expeditions had
grievously suffered. He distributed his men into eleven companies,
each under the command of an experienced officer; and it was observed,
that, although several of the cavaliers in the service were the
personal friends and even kinsmen of Velasquez, he appeared to treat
them all with perfect confidence.
His principal standard was of black velvet embroidered with
gold, and emblazoned with a red cross amidst flames of blue and white,
with this motto in Latin beneath: "Friends, let us follow the Cross;
and under this sign, if we have faith, we shall conquer." He now
assumed more state in his own person and way of living, introducing
a greater number of domestics and officers into his household, and
placing it on a footing becoming a man of high station. This state
he maintained through the rest of his life.
Cortes at this time was thirty-three, or perhaps thirty-four years
of age. In stature he was rather above the middle size. His complexion
was pale; and his large dark eye gave an expression of gravity to
his countenance, not to have been expected in one of his cheerful
temperament. His figure was slender, at least until later life; but
his chest was deep, his shoulders broad, his frame muscular and
well-proportioned. It presented the union of agility and vigour
which qualified him to excel in fencing, horsemanship, and the other
generous exercises of chivalry. In his diet he was temperate, careless
of what he ate, and drinking little; while to toil and privation he
seemed perfectly indifferent. His dress, for he did not disdain the
impression produced by such adventitious aids, was such as to set
off his handsome person to advantage; neither gaudy nor striking,
but rich. He wore few ornaments, and usually the same; but those
were of great price. His manners, frank and soldier-like, concealed
a most cool and calculating spirit. With his gayest humour there
mingled a settled air of resolution, which made those who approached
him feel they must obey; and which infused something like awe into the
attachment of his most devoted followers. Such a combination, in which
love was tempered by authority, was the one probably best calculated
to inspire devotion in the rough and turbulent spirits among whom
his lot was to be cast.
The character of Cortes seems to have undergone some change with
change of circumstances; or to speak more correctly, the new scenes in
which he was placed called forth qualities which before lay dormant in
his bosom. There are some hardy natures that require the heats of
excited action to unfold their energies; like the plants, which,
closed to the mild influence of a temperate latitude, come to their
full growth, and give forth their fruits, only in the burning
atmosphere of the tropics.
Before the preparations were fully completed at the Havana, the
commander of the place, Don Pedro Barba, received despatches from
Velasquez ordering him to apprehend Cortes, and to prevent the
departure of his vessels; while another epistle from the same source
was delivered to Cortes himself, requesting him to postpone his voyage
till the governor could communicate with him, as he proposed, in
person. "Never," exclaims Las Casas, "did I see so little knowledge of
affairs shown, as in this letter of Diego Velasquez,- that he should
have imagined that a man, who had so recently put such an affront on
him, would defer his departure at his bidding!" It was, indeed, hoping
to stay the flight of the arrow by a word, after it had left the bow.
The captain-general, however, during his short stay had entirely
conciliated the good will of Barba. And, if that officer had had the
inclination, he knew he had not the power, to enforce his
principal's orders, in the face of a resolute soldiery, incensed at
this ungenerous persecution of their commander, and "all of whom," in
the words of the honest chronicler, Bernal Diaz, who bore part in
the expedition, "officers and privates, would have cheerfully laid
down their lives for him." Barba contented himself, therefore, with
explaining to Velasquez the impracticability of the attempt, and at
the same time endeavoured to traquillise his apprehensions by
asserting his own confidence in the fidelity of Cortes. To this the
latter added a communication of his own, in which he implored his
Excellency to rely on his devotion to his interests, and concluded
with the comfortable assurance that he and the whole fleet, God
willing, would sail on the following morning.
Accordingly, on the 10th of February, 1519, the little squadron
got under way, and directed its course towards Cape St. Antonio, the
appointed place of rendezvous. When all were brought together, the
vessels were found to be eleven in number; one of them, in which
Cortes himself went, was of a hundred tons' burden, three others
were from seventy to eighty tons, the remainder were caravels and open
brigantines. The whole was put under the direction of Antonio de
Alaminos, as chief pilot; a veteran navigator, who, had acted as pilot
to Columbus in his last voyage, and to Cordova and Grijalva in the
former expeditions to Yucatan.
Landing on the Cape and mustering his forces, Cortes found they
amounted to one hundred and ten mariners, five hundred and fifty-three
soldiers, including thirty-two crossbow-men, and thirteen
arquebusiers, besides two hundred Indians of the island, and a few
Indian women for menial offices. He was provided with ten heavy
guns, four lighter pieces called falconets, and with a good supply
of ammunition. He had, besides, sixteen horses. They were not easily
procured; for the difficulty of transporting them across the ocean
in the flimsy craft of that day made them rare and incredibly dear
in the islands. But Cortes rightfully estimated the importance of
cavalry, however small in number, both for their actual service in the
field, and for striking terror into the savages. With so paltry a
force did he enter on a conquest which even his stout heart must
have shrunk from attempting with such means, had he but foreseen
half its real difficulties!
Before embarking, Cortes addressed his soldiers in a short but
animated harangue. He told them they were about to enter on a noble
enterprise, one that would make their name famous to after ages. He
was leading them to countries more vast and opulent than any yet
visited by Europeans. "I hold out to you a glorious prize,"
continued the orator, "but it is to be won by incessant toil. Great
things are achieved only by great exertions and glory was never the
reward of sloth. If I have laboured hard and staked my all on this
undertaking, it is for the love of that renown, which is the noblest
recompense of man. But, if any among you covet riches more, be but
true to me, as I will be true to you and to the occasion, and I will
make you masters of such as our countrymen have never dreamed of!
You are few in number, but strong in resolution; and, if this does not
falter, doubt not but that the Almighty, who has never deserted the
Spaniard in his contest with the infidel, will shield you, though
encompassed by a cloud of enemies; for your cause is a just cause, and
you are to fight under the banner of the Cross. Go forward then," he
concluded, "with alacrity and confidence, and carry to a glorious
issue the work so auspiciously begun."
The rough eloquence of the general, touching the various chords of
ambition, avarice, and religious zeal, sent a thrill through the
bosoms of his martial audience; and, receiving it with acclamations,
they seemed eager to press forward under a chief who was to lead
them not so much to battle, as to triumph.
Cortes was well satisfied to find his own enthusiasm so largely
shared by his followers. Mass was then celebrated with the solemnities
usual with the Spanish navigators, when entering on their voyages of
discovery. The fleet was placed under the immediate protection of
St. Peter, the patron saint of Cortes; and, weighing anchor, took
its departure on the eighteenth day of February, 1519, for the coast
of Yucatan.
Chapter IV [1519]

VOYAGE TO COZUMEL- CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES-
JERONIMO DE AGUILAR- ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO-
GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS- CHRISTIANITY INTRODUCED

ORDERS were given for the vessels to keep as near together as
possible, and to take the direction of the capitana, or admiral's
ship, which carried a beacon-light in the stern during the night.
But the weather, which had been favourable, changed soon after their
departure, and one of those tempests set in, which at this season
are often found in the latitudes of the West Indies. It fell with
terrible force on the little navy, scattering it far asunder,
dismantling some of the ships, and driving them all considerably south
of their proposed destination.
Cortes, who had lingered behind to convoy a disabled vessel,
reached the island of Cozumel last. On landing, he learned that one of
his captains, Pedro de Alvarado, had availed himself of the short time
he had been there to enter the temples, rifle them of their few
ornaments, and, by his violent conduct, so far to terrify the simple
natives, that they had fled for refuge into the interior of the
island. Cortes, highly incensed at these rash proceedings, so contrary
to the policy he had proposed, could not refrain from severely
reprimanding his officer in the presence of the army. He commanded two
Indian captives, taken by Alvarado, to be brought before him, and
explained to them the pacific purpose of his visit. This he did
through the assistance of his interpreter, Melchorejo, a native of
Yucatan, who had been brought back by Grijalva, and who, during his
residence in Cuba, had picked up some acquaintance with the Castilian.
He then dismissed them loaded with presents, and with an invitation to
their countrymen to return to their homes without fear of further
annoyance. This humane policy succeeded. The fugitives, reassured,
were not slow in coming back; and an amicable intercourse was
established, in which Spanish cutlery and trinkets were exchanged
for the gold ornaments of the natives; a traffic in which each party
congratulated itself- a philosopher might think with equal reason-
on outwitting the other.
The first object of Cortes was, to gather tidings of the
unfortunate Christians who were reported to be still lingering in
captivity on the neighbouring continent. From some traders in the
islands he obtained such a confirmation of the report, that he sent
Diego de Ordaz with two brigantines to the opposite coast of
Yucatan, with instructions to remain there eight days. Some Indians
went as messengers in the vessels, who consented to bear a letter to
the captives, informing them of the arrival of their countrymen in
Cozumel, with a liberal ransom for their release. Meanwhile the
general proposed to make an excursion to the different parts of the
island, that he might give employment to the restless spirits of the
soldiers, and ascertain the resources of the country.
It was poor and thinly peopled. But everywhere he recognised the
vestiges of a higher civilisation than what he had before witnessed in
the Indian islands. The houses were some of them large, and often
built of stone and lime. He was particularly struck with the
temples, in which were towers constructed of the same solid materials,
and rising several stories in height.
In the court of one of these he was amazed by the sight of a
cross, of stone and lime, about ten palms high. It was the emblem of
the God of rain. Its appearance suggested the wildest conjectures, not
merely to the unlettered soldiers, but subsequently to the European
scholar, who speculated on the character of the races that had
introduced there the sacred symbol of Christianity. But no such
inference, as we shall see hereafter, could be warranted. Yet it
must be regarded as a curious fact, that the Cross should have been
venerated as the object of religious worship both in the New World,
and in regions of the Old, where the light of Christianity had never
risen.
The next object of Cortes was to reclaim the natives from their
gross idolatry, and to substitute a purer form of worship. In
accomplishing this he was prepared to use force, if milder measures
should be ineffectual. There was nothing which the Spanish
government had more earnestly at heart, than the conversion of the
Indians. It forms the constant burden of their instructions, and
gave to the military expeditions in this Western Hemisphere somewhat
of the air of a crusade. The cavalier who embarked in them entered
fully into these chivalrous and devotional feelings. No doubt was
entertained of the efficacy of conversion, however sudden might be the
change, or however violent the means. The sword was a good argument
when the tongue failed; and the spread of Mahometanism had shown
that seeds sown by the hand of violence, far from perishing in the
ground, would spring up and bear fruit to after time. If this were
so in a bad cause, how much more would it be true in a good one! The
Spanish cavalier felt he had a high mission to accomplish as a soldier
of the Cross. However unauthorised or unrighteous the war into which
he had entered may seem to us, to him it was a holy war. He was in
arms against the infidel. Not to care for the soul of his benighted
enemy was to put his own in jeopardy. The conversion of a single
soul might cover a multitude of sins. It was not for morals that he
was concerned, but for the faith. This, though understood in its
most literal and limited sense, comprehended the whole scheme of
Christian morality. Whoever died in the faith, however immoral had
been his life, might be said to die in the Lord. Such was the creed of
the Castilian knight of that day, as imbibed from the preachings of
the pulpit, from cloisters and colleges at home, from monks and
missionaries abroad,- from all save one, Las Casas, whose devotion,
kindled at a purer source, was not, alas! permitted to send forth
its radiance far into the thick gloom by which he was encompassed.
No one partook more fully of the feelings above described than
Hernan Cortes. He was, in truth, the very mirror of the times in which
he lived, reflecting its motley characteristics, its speculative
devotion, and practical licence,- but with an intensity all his own.
He was greatly scandalised at the exhibition of the idolatrous
practices of the people of Cozumel, though untainted, as it would
seem, with human sacrifices. He endeavoured to persuade them to
embrace a better faith, through the agency of two ecclesiastics who
attended the expedition,- the licentiate Juan Diaz and Father
Bartolome de Olmedo. The latter of these godly men afforded the rare
example- rare in any age- of the union of fervent zeal with charity,
while he beautifully illustrated in his own conduct the precepts which
he taught. He remained with the army through the whole expedition, and
by his wise and benevolent counsels was often enabled to mitigate
the cruelties of the Conquerors, and to turn aside the edge of the
sword from the unfortunate natives.
These two missionaries vainly laboured to persuade the people of
Cozumel to renounce their abominations, and to allow the Indian idols,
in which the Christians recognised the true lineaments of Satan, to be
thrown down and demolished. The simple natives, filled with horror
at the proposed profanation, exclaimed that these were the gods who
sent them the sunshine and the storm, and, should any violence be
offered, they would be sure to avenge it by sending their lightnings
on the heads of its perpetrators.
Cortes was probably not much of a polemic. At all events, he
preferred on the present occasion action to argument; and thought that
the best way to convince the Indians of their error was to prove the
falsehood of the prediction. He accordingly, without further ceremony,
caused the venerated images to be rolled down the stairs of the
great temple, amidst the groans and lamentations of the natives. An
altar was hastily constructed, an image of the Virgin and Child placed
over it, and mass was performed by Father Olmedo and his reverend
companion for the first time within the walls of a temple in New
Spain. The patient ministers tried once more to pour the light of
the gospel into the benighted understandings of the islanders, and
to expound the mysteries of the Catholic faith. The Indian interpreter
must have afforded rather a dubious channel for the transmission of
such abstruse doctrines. But they at length found favour with their
auditors, who, whether overawed by the bold bearing of the invaders,
or convinced of the impotence of deities that could not shield their
own shrines from violation, now consented to embrace Christianity.
While Cortes was thus occupied with the triumphs of the Cross,
he received intelligence that Ordaz had returned from Yucatan
without tidings of the Spanish captives. Though much chagrined, the
general did not choose to postpone longer his departure from
Cozumel. The fleet had been well stored with provisions by the
friendly inhabitants, and, embarking his troops, Cortes, in the
beginning of March, took leave of its hospitable shores. The
squadron had not proceeded far, however, before a leak in one of the
vessels compelled them to return to the same port. The detention was
attended with important consequences; so much so, indeed, that a
writer of the time discerns in it "a great mystery and a miracle."
Soon after landing, a canoe with several Indians was seen making
its way from the neighbouring shores of Yucatan. On reaching the
island, one of the men inquired, in broken Castilian, "if he were
among Christians"; and being answered in the affirmative, threw
himself on his knees and returned thanks to Heaven for his delivery.
He was one of the unfortunate captives for whose fate so much interest
had been felt. His name was Jeronimo de Aguilar, a native of Ecija, in
Old Spain, where he had been regularly educated for the church. He had
been established with the colony at Darien, and on a voyage from
that place to Hispaniola, eight years previous, was wrecked near the
coast of Yucatan. He escaped with several of his companions in the
ship's boat, where some perished from hunger and exposure, while
others were sacrificed, on their reaching land, by the cannibal
natives of the peninsula. Aguilar was preserved from the same dismal
fate by escaping into the interior, where he fell into the hands of
a powerful cacique, who, though he spared his life, treated him at
first with great rigour. The patience of the captive, however, and his
singular humility, touched the better feelings of the chieftain, who
would have persuaded Aguilar to take a wife among his people, but
the ecclesiastic steadily refused, in obedience to his vows. This
admirable constancy excited the distrust of the cacique, who put his
virtue to a severe test by various temptations, and much of the same
sort as those with which the devil is said to have assailed St.
Anthony. From all these fiery trials, however, like his ghostly
predecessor, he came out unscorched. Continence is too rare and
difficult a virtue with barbarians not to challenge their
veneration, and the practice of it has made the reputation of more
than one saint in the Old as well as the New World. Aguilar was now
intrusted with the care of his master's household and his numerous
wives. He was a man of discretion, as well as virtue; and his counsels
were found so salutary that he was consulted on all important matters.
In short, Aguilar became a great man among the Indians.
It was with much regret, therefore, that his master received the
proposals for his return to his countrymen, to which nothing but the
rich treasure of glass beads, hawk bells, and other jewels of like
value, sent for his ransom, would have induced him to consent. When
Aguilar reached the coast, there had been so much delay that the
brigantines had sailed, and it was owing to the fortunate return of
the fleet to Cozumel that he was enabled to join it.
On appearing before Cortes, the poor man saluted him in the Indian
style, by touching the earth with his hand, and carrying it to his
head. The commander, raising him up, affectionately embraced him,
covering him at the same time with his own cloak, as Aguilar was
simply clad in the habiliments of the country, somewhat too scanty for
a European eye. It was long, indeed, before the tastes which he had
acquired in the freedom of the forest could be reconciled to the
constraints either of dress or manners imposed by the artificial forms
of civilisation. Aguilar's long residence in the country had
familiarised him with the Mayan dialects of Yucatan, and, as he
gradually revived his Castilian, he became of essential importance
as an interpreter. Cortes saw the advantage of this from the first,
but he could not fully estimate all the consequences that were to flow
from it.
The repairs of the vessels being at length completed, the
Spanish commander once more took leave of the friendly natives of
Cozumel, and set sail on the 4th of March. Keeping as near as possible
to the coast of Yucatan, he doubled Cape Catoche, and with flowing
sheets swept down the broad bay of Campeachy. He passed Potonchan,
where Cordova had experienced a rough reception from the natives;
and soon after reached the mouth of the Rio de Tabasco, or Grijalva,
in which that navigator had carried on so lucrative a traffic.
Though mindful of the great object of his voyage,- the visit to the
Aztec territories,- he was desirous of acquainting himself with the
resources of this country, and determined to ascend the river and
visit the great town on its borders.
The water was so shallow, from the accumulation of sand at the
mouth of the stream, that the general was obliged to leave the ships
at anchor, and to embark in the boats with a part only of his
forces. The banks were thickly studded with mangrove trees, that, with
their roots shooting up and interlacing one another, formed a kind
of impervious screen or net-work, behind which the dark forms of the
natives were seen glancing to and fro with the most menacing looks and
gestures. Cortes, much surprised at these unfriendly demonstrations,
so unlike what he had reason to expect, moved cautiously up the
stream. When he had reached an open place, where a large number of
Indians were assembled, he asked, through his interpreter, leave to
land, explaining at the same time his amicable intentions. But the
Indians, brandishing their weapons, answered only with gestures of
angry defiance. Though much chagrined, Cortes thought it best not to
urge the matter further that evening, but withdrew to a neighbouring
island, where he disembarked his troops, resolved to effect a
landing on the following morning.
When day broke the Spaniards saw the opposite banks lined with a
much more numerous array than on the preceding evening, while the
canoes along the shore were filled with bands of armed warriors.
Cortes now made his preparations for the attack. He first landed a
detachment of a hundred men under Alonso de Avila, at a point somewhat
lower down the stream, sheltered by a thick grove of palms, from which
a road, as he knew, led to the town of Tabasco, giving orders to his
officer to march at once on the place, while he himself advanced to
assault it in front.
Then embarking the remainder of his troops, Cortes crossed the
river in face of the enemy; but, before commencing hostilities, that
he might "act with entire regard to justice, and in obedience to the
instructions of the Royal Council," he first caused proclamation to be
made through the interpreter, that he desired only a free passage
for his men; and that he proposed to revive the friendly relations
which had formerly subsisted between his countrymen and the natives.
He assured them that if blood were spilt, the sin would he on their
heads, and that resistance would be useless, since he was resolved
at all hazards to take up his quarters that night in the town of
Tabasco. This proclamation, delivered in lofty tone, and duly recorded
by the notary, was answered by the Indians- who might possibly have
comprehended one word in ten of it- with shouts of defiance and a
shower of arrows.
Cortes, having now complied with all the requisitions of a loyal
cavalier, and shifted the responsibility from his own shoulders to
those of the Royal Council, brought his boats alongside of the
Indian canoes. They grappled fiercely together and both parties were
soon in the water, which rose above the girdle. The struggle was not
long, though desperate. The superior strength of the Europeans
prevailed, and they forced the enemy back to land. Here, however, they
were supported by their countrymen, who showered down darts, arrows,
and blazing billets of wood on the heads of the invaders. The banks
were soft and slippery, and it was with difficulty the soldiers made
good their footing. Cortes lost a sandal in the mud, but continued
to fight barefoot, with great exposure of his person, as the
Indians, who soon singled out the leader, called to one another,
"Strike at the chief!"
At length the Spaniards gained the bank, and were able to come
into something like order, when they opened a brisk fire from their
arquebuses and crossbows. The enemy, astounded by the roar and flash
of the firearms, of which they had had no experience, fell back, and
retreated behind a breastwork of timber thrown across the way. The
Spaniards, hot in the pursuit, soon carried these rude defences, and
drove the Tabascans before them towards the town, where they again
took shelter behind their palisades.
Meanwhile Avila had arrived from the opposite quarter, and the
natives taken by surprise made no further attempt at resistance, but
abandoned the place to the Christians. They had previously removed
their families and effects. Some provisions fell into the hands of the
victors, but little gold, "a circumstance," says Las Casas, "which
gave them no particular satisfaction." It was a very populous place.
The houses were mostly of mud; the better sort of stone and lime;
affording proofs in the inhabitants of a superior refinement to that
found in the islands, as their stout resistance had given evidence
of superior valour.
Cortes, having thus made himself master of the town, took formal
possession of it for the crown of Castile. He gave three cuts with his
sword on a large ceiba tree, which grew in the place, and proclaimed
aloud, that he took possession of the city in the name and on behalf
of the Catholic sovereigns, and would maintain and defend the same
with sword and buckler against all who should gainsay it. The same
vaunting declaration was also made by the soldiers, and the whole
was duly recorded and attested by the notary. This was the usual
simple but chivalric form with which the Spanish cavaliers asserted
the royal title to the conquered territories in the New World. It
was a good title, doubtless, against the claims of any other
European potentate.
The general took up his quarters that night in the courtyard of
the principal temple. He posted his sentinels, and took all the
precautions practised in wars with a civilised foe. Indeed, there
was reason for them. A suspicious silence seemed to reign through
the place and its neighbourhood; and tidings were brought that the
interpreter, Melchorejo, had fled, leaving his Spanish dress hanging
on a tree. Cortes was disquieted by the desertion of this man who
would not only inform his countrymen of the small number of the
Spaniards, but dissipate any illusions that might be entertained of
their superior natures.
On the following morning, as no traces of the enemy were
visible, Cortes ordered out a detachment under Alvarado, and another
under Francisco de Lugo, to reconnoitre. The latter officer had not
advanced a league before he learned the position of the Indians, by
their attacking him in such force that he was fain to take shelter
in a large stone building, where he was closely besieged.
Fortunately the loud yells of the assailants, like most barbarous
nations, seeking to strike terror by their ferocious cries, reached
the ears of Alvarado and his men, who, speedily advancing to the
relief of their comrades, enabled them to force a passage through
the enemy. Both parties retreated closely pursued, on the town, when
Cortes, marching out to their support, compelled the Tabascans to
retire.
A few prisoners were taken in this skirmish. By them Cortes
found his worst apprehensions verified. The country was everywhere
in arms. A force consisting of many thousands had assembled from the
neighbouring provinces, and a general assault was resolved on for
the next day. To the general's inquiries why he had been received in
so different a manner from his predecessor, Grijalva, they answered,
that "the conduct of the Tabascans then had given great offence to the
other Indian tribes, who taxed them with treachery and cowardice; so
that they had promised, on any return of the white men, to resist them
in the same manner as their neighbours had done."
Cortes might now well regret that he had allowed himself to
deviate from the direct object of his enterprise, and to become
intangled in a doubtful war which could lead to no profitable
result. But it was too late to repent. He had taken the step, and
had no alternative but to go forward. To retreat would dishearten
his own men at the outset, impair their confidence in him as their
leader, and confirm the arrogance of his foes, the tidings of whose
success might precede him on his voyage, and prepare the way for
greater mortifications and defeats. He did not hesitate as to the
course he was to pursue; but, calling his officers together, announced
his intention to give battle the following morning.
He sent back to the vessels such as were disabled by their wounds,
and ordered the remainder of the forces to join the camp. Six of the
heavy guns were also taken from the ships, together with all the
horses. The animals were stiff and torpid from long confinement on
board; but a few hours' exercise restored them to their strength and
usual spirit. He gave the command of the artillery- if it may be
dignified with the name- to a soldier named Mesa, who had acquired
some experience as an engineer in the Italian wars. The infantry he
put under the orders of Diego de Ordaz, and took charge of the cavalry
himself. It consisted of some of the most valiant gentlemen of his
little band, among whom may be mentioned Alvarado, Velasquez de
Leon, Avila, Puertocarrero, Olid, Montejo. Having thus made all the
necessary arrangements, and settled his plan of battle, he retired
to rest,- but not to slumber. His feverish mind, as may well be
imagined, was filled with anxiety for the morrow, which might decide
the fate of his expedition; and as was his wont on such occasions,
he was frequently observed, during the night, going the rounds, and
visiting the sentinels, to see that no one slept upon his post.
At the first glimmering of light he mustered his army, and
declared his purpose not to abide, cooped up in the town, the
assault of the enemy, but to march at once against him. For he well
knew that the spirits rise with action, and that the attacking party
gathers a confidence from the very movement, which is not felt by
the one who is passively, perhaps anxiously, awaiting the assault. The
Indians were understood to be encamped on a level ground a few miles
distant from the city, called the plain of Ceutla. The general
commanded that Ordaz should march with the foot, including the
artillery, directly across the country, and attack them in front,
while he himself would fetch a circuit with the horse, and turn
their flank when thus engaged, or fall upon their rear.
These dispositions being completed, the little army heard mass and
then sallied forth from the wooden walls of Tabasco. It was
Lady-day, the 25th of March,- long memorable in the annals of New
Spain. The district around the town was chequered with patches of
maize, and, on the lower level, with plantations of cacao,-
supplying the beverage, and perhaps the coin of the country, as in
Mexico. These plantations, requiring constant irrigation, were fed
by numerous canals and reservoirs of water, so that the country
could not be traversed without great toil and difficulty. It was,
however, intersected by a narrow path or causeway, over which the
cannon could be dragged.
The troops advanced more than a league on their laborious march,
without descrying the enemy. The weather was sultry, but few of them
were embarrassed by the heavy mail worn by the European cavaliers at
that period. Their cotton jackets, thickly quilted, afforded a
tolerable protection against the arrows of the Indian, and allowed
room for the freedom and activity of movement essential to a life of
rambling adventure in the wilderness.
At length they came in sight of the broad plains of Ceutla, and
beheld the dusky lines of the enemy stretching, as far as the eye
could reach, along the edge of the horizon. The Indians had shown some
sagacity in the choice of their position; and, as the weary
Spaniards came slowly on, floundering through the morass, the
Tabascans set up their hideous battle-cries, and discharged volleys of
arrows, stones, and other missiles, which rattled like hail on the
shields and helmets of the assailants. Many were severely wounded
before they could gain the firm ground, where they soon cleared a
space for themselves, and opened a heavy fire of artillery and
musketry on the dense columns of the enemy, which presented a fatal
mark for the balls. Numbers were swept down at every discharge; but
the bold barbarians, far from being dismayed, threw up dust and leaves
to hide their losses, and, sounding their war instruments, shot off
fresh flights of arrows in return.
They even pressed closer on the Spaniards, and, when driven off by
a vigorous charge, soon turned again, and, rolling back like the waves
of the ocean, seemed ready to overwhelm the little band by weight of
numbers. Thus cramped, the latter had scarcely room to perform their
necessary evolutions, or even to work their guns with effect.
The engagement had now lasted more than an hour, and the
Spaniards, sorely pressed, looked with great anxiety for the arrival
of the horse,- which some unaccountable impediments must have
detained,- to relieve them from their perilous position. At this
crisis, the furthest columns of the Indian army were seen to be
agitated and thrown into a disorder that rapidly spread through the
whole mass. It was not long before the ears of the Christians were
saluted with the cheering war-cry of "San Jago and San Pedro," and
they beheld the bright helmets and swords of the Castilian chivalry
flashing back the rays of the morning sun, as they dashed through
the ranks of the enemy, striking to the right and left, and scattering
dismay around them. The eye of faith, indeed, could discern the patron
Saint of Spain himself, mounted on his grey war-horse, heading the
rescue and trampling over the bodies of the fallen infidels!
The approach of Cortes had been greatly retarded by the broken
nature of the ground. When he came up, the Indians were so hotly
engaged, that he was upon them before they observed his approach. He
ordered his men to direct their lances at the faces of their
opponents, who, terrified at the monstrous apparition,- for they
supposed the rider and the horse, which they had never before seen, to
be one and the same,- were seized with a panic. Ordaz availed
himself of it to command a general charge along the line, and the
Indians, many of them throwing away their arms, fled without
attempting further resistance.
Cortes was too content with the victory, to care to follow it up
by dipping his sword in the blood of the fugitives. He drew off his
men to a copse of palms which skirted the place, and, under their
broad canopy, the soldiers offered up thanksgivings to the Almighty
for the victory vouchsafed them. The field of battle was made the site
of a town, called in honour of the day on which the action took place,
Santa Maria de la Vitoria, long afterwards the capital of the
province. The number of those who fought or fell in the engagement
is altogether doubtful. Nothing, indeed, is more uncertain than
numerical estimates of barbarians. And they gain nothing in
probability, when they come, as in the present instance, from the
reports of their enemies. Most accounts, however, agree that the
Indian force consisted of five squadrons of eight thousand men each.
There is more discrepancy as to the number of slain, varying from
one to thirty thousand! In this monstrous discordance, the common
disposition to exaggerate may lead us to look for truth in the
neighbourhood of the smallest number. The loss of the Christians was
inconsiderable; not exceeding- if we receive their own reports,
probably, from the same causes, much diminishing the truth- two
killed, and less than a hundred wounded! We may readily comprehend the
feelings of the Conquerors, when they declared, that "Heaven must have
fought on their side, since their own strength could never have
prevailed against such a multitude of enemies!"
Several prisoners were taken in the battle, among them two chiefs.
Cortes gave them their liberty, and sent a message by them to their
countrymen, "that he would overlook the past, if they would come in at
once, and tender their submission. Otherwise he would ride over the
land, and put every living thing in it, man, woman, and child, to
the sword!" With this formidable menace ringing in their ears, the
envoys departed.
But the Tabascans had no relish for further hostilities. A body of
inferior chiefs appeared the next day, clad in dark dresses of cotton,
intimating their abject condition, and implored leave to bury their
dead. It was granted by the general, with many assurances of his
friendly disposition; but at the same time he told them, he expected
their principal caciques, as he would treat with none other. These
soon presented themselves, attended by a numerous train of vassals,
who followed with timid curiosity to the Christian camp. Among their
propitiatory gifts were twenty female slaves, which, from the
character of one of them, proved of infinitely more consequence than
was anticipated by either Spaniards or Tabascans. Confidence was
soon restored; and was succeeded by a friendly intercourse, and the
interchange of Spanish toys for the rude commodities of the country,
articles of food, cotton, and a few gold ornaments of little value.
When asked where the precious metal was procured, they pointed to
the west, and answered "Culhua," "Mexico." The Spaniards saw this
was no place for them to traffic, or to tarry in.- Yet here, they were
not many leagues distant from a potent and opulent city, or what
once had been so, the ancient Palenque. But its glory may have even
then passed away, and its name have been forgotten by the
surrounding nations.
Before his departure the Spanish commander did not omit to provide
for one great object of his expedition, the conversion of the Indians.
He first represented to the caciques, that he had been sent thither by
a powerful monarch on the other side of the water, to whom he had
now a right to claim their allegiance. He then caused the reverend
fathers Olmedo and Diaz to enlighten their minds, as far as
possible, in regard to the great truths of revelation, urging them
to receive these in place of their own heathenish abominations. The
Tabascans, whose perceptions were no doubt materially quickened by the
discipline they had undergone, made but a faint resistance to either
proposal. The next day was Palm Sunday, and the general resolved to
celebrate their conversion by one of those pompous ceremonials of
the Church, which should make a lasting impression on their minds.
A solemn procession was formed of the whole army with the
ecclesiastics at their head, each soldier bearing a palm branch in his
hand. The concourse was swelled by thousands of Indians of both sexes,
who followed in curious astonishment at the spectacle. The long
files bent their way through the flowery savannas that bordered the
settlement, to the principal temple, where an altar was raised, and
the image of the presiding deity was deposed to make room for that
of the Virgin with the infant Saviour. Mass was celebrated by Father
Olmedo, and the soldiers who were capable joined in the solemn
chant. The natives listened in profound silence, and if we may believe
the chronicler of the event who witnessed it, were melted into
tears; while their hearts were penetrated with reverential awe for the
God of those terrible beings who seemed to wield in their own hands
the thunder and the lightning.
These solemnities concluded, Cortes prepared to return to his
ships, well satisfied with the impression made on the new converts,
and with the conquests he had thus achieved for Castile and
Christianity. The soldiers, taking leave of their Indian friends,
entered the boats with the palm branches in their hands, and
descending the river re-embarked on board their vessels, which rode at
anchor at its mouth. A favourable breeze was blowing, and the little
navy, opening its sails to receive it, was soon on its way again to
the golden shores of Mexico.
Chapter V [1519]

VOYAGE ALONG THE COAST- DONA MARINA-
SPANIARDS LAND IN MEXICO- INTERVIEW WITH THE AZTECS

THE fleet held its course so near the shore, that the
inhabitants could be seen on it; and, as it swept along the winding
borders of the gulf, the soldiers, who had been on the former
expedition with Grijalva, pointed out to their companions the
memorable places on the coast. Here was the Rio de Alvarado, named
after the gallant adventurer, who was present, also, in this
expedition; there the Rio de Vanderas, in which Grijalva had carried
on so lucrative a commerce with the Mexicans; and there the Isla de
los Sacrificios, where the Spaniards first saw the vestiges of human
sacrifice on the coast.
The fleet had now arrived off St. Juan de Ulua, the island so
named by Grijalva. The weather was temperate and serene, and crowds
of natives were gathered on the shore of the main land, gazing at the
strange phenomenon, as the vessels glided along under easy sail on the
smooth bosom of the waters. It was the evening of Thursday in
Passion Week. The air came pleasantly off the shore, and Cortes,
liking the spot, thought he might safely anchor under the lee of the
island, which would shelter him from the nortes that sweep over
these seas with fatal violence in the winter, sometimes even late in
the spring.
The ships had not been long at anchor, when a light pirogue,
filled with natives, shot off from the neighbouring continent, and
steered for the general's vessel, distinguished by the royal ensign of
Castile floating from the mast. The Indians came on board with a frank
confidence, inspired by the accounts of the Spaniards spread by
their countrymen who had traded with Grijalva. They brought presents
of fruits and flowers and little ornaments of gold, which they
gladly exchanged for the usual trinkets. Cortes was baffled in his
attempts to hold a conversation with his visitors by means of the
interpreter, Aguilar, who was ignorant of the language; the Mayan
dialects, with which he was conversant, bearing too little resemblance
to the Aztec. The natives supplied the deficiency, as far as possible,
by the uncommon vivacity and significance of their gestures,- the
hieroglyphics of speech,- but the Spanish commander saw with chagrin
the embarrassments he must encounter in future for want of a more
perfect medium of communication. In this dilemma, he was informed that
one of the female slaves given to him by the Tabascan chiefs was a
native Mexican, and understood the language. Her name- that given to
her by the Spaniards- was Marina; and, as she was to exercise a most
important influence on their fortunes, it is necessary to acquaint the
reader with something of her character and history.
She was born at Painalla, in the province of Coatzacualco, on
the south-eastern borders of the Mexican empire. Her father, a rich
and powerful cacique, died when she was very young. Her mother married
again, and, having a son, she conceived the infamous idea of
securing to this offspring of her second union Marina's rightful
inheritance. She accordingly feigned that the latter was dead, but
secretly delivered her into the hands of some itinerant traders of
Xicallanco. She availed herself, at the same time, of the death of a
child of one of her slaves, to substitute the corpse for that of her
own daughter, and celebrated the obsequies with mock solemnity.
These particulars are related by the honest old soldier, Bernal
Diaz, who knew the mother, and witnessed the generous treatment of her
afterwards by Marina. By the merchants the Indian maiden was again
sold to the cacique of Tabasco, who delivered her, as we have seen, to
the Spaniards.
From the place of her birth she was well acquainted with the
Mexican tongue, which, indeed, she is said to have spoken with great
elegance. Her residence in Tabasco familiarised her with the
dialects of that country, so that she could carry on a conversation
with Aguilar, which he in turn rendered into the Castilian. Thus a
certain, though somewhat circuitous channel was opened to Cortes for
communicating with the Aztecs; a circumstance of the last importance
to the success of his enterprise. It was not very long, however,
before Marina, who had a lively genius, made herself so far mistress
of the Castilian as to supersede the necessity of any other
linguist. She learned it the more readily, as it was to her the
language of love: Cortes, who appreciated the value of her services
from the first, made her his interpreter, then his secretary, and, won
by her charms, his mistress.
With the aid of his two intelligent interpreters, Cortes entered
into conversation with his Indian visitors. He learned that they
were Mexicans, or rather subjects of the great Mexican empire, of
which their own province formed one of the comparatively recent
conquests. The country was ruled by a powerful monarch, called
Moctheuzoma, or by Europeans more commonly Montezuma, who dwelt on the
mountain plains of the interior, nearly seventy leagues from the
coast; their own province was governed by one of his nobles, named
Teuhtlile, whose residence was eight leagues distant. Cortes
acquainted them in turn with his own friendly views in visiting
their country, and with his desire of an interview with the Aztec
governor. He then dismissed them loaded with presents, having first
ascertained that there was abundance of gold in the interior, like the
specimens they had brought.
Cortes, pleased with the manners of the people, and the goodly
reports of the land, resolved to take up his quarters here for the
present. The next morning, April 21, being Good Friday, he landed with
all his force, on the very spot where now stands the modern city of
Vera Cruz. Little did the Conqueror imagine that the desolate beach,
on which he first planted his foot, was one day to be covered by a
flourishing city, the great mart of European and Oriental trade, the
commercial capital of New Spain.
It was a wide and level plain, except where the sand had been
drifted into hillocks by the perpetual blowing of the norte. On
these sand-hills he mounted his little battery of guns, so as to
give him the command of the country. He then employed the troops in
cutting down small trees and bushes which grew near, in order to
provide a shelter from the weather. In this he was aided by the people
of the country, sent, as it appeared, by the governor of the district,
to assist the Spaniards. With their help stakes were firmly set in the
earth, and covered with boughs, and with mats and cotton carpets,
which the friendly natives brought with them. In this way they
secured, in a couple of days, a good defence against the scorching
rays of the sun, which beat with intolerable fierceness on the
sands. The place was surrounded by stagnant marshes, the exhalations
from which, quickened by the heat into the pestilent malaria, have
occasioned in later times wider mortality to Europeans than all the
hurricanes on the coast. The bilious disorders, now the terrible
scourge of the tierra caliente, were little known before the Conquest.
The seeds of the poison seem to have been scattered by the hand of
civilisation; for it is only necessary to settle a town, and draw
together a busy European population, in order to call out the
malignity of the venom which had before lurked in the atmosphere.
While these arrangements were in progress, the natives flocked
in from the adjacent district, which was tolerably populous in the
interior, drawn by a natural curiosity to see the wonderful strangers.
They brought with them fruits, vegetables, flowers in abundance, game,
and many dishes cooked after the fashion of the country, with little
articles of gold and other ornaments. They gave away some as presents,
and bartered others for the wares of the Spaniards; so that the
camp, crowded with a motley throng of every age and sex, wore the
appearance of a fair. From some of the visitors Cortes learned the
intention of the governor to wait on him the following day.
This was Easter. Teuhtlile arrived, as he had announced, before
noon. He was attended by a numerous train, and was met by Cortes,
who conducted him with much ceremony to his tent, where his
principal officers were assembled. The Aztec chief returned their
salutations with polite, though formal courtesy. Mass was first said
by father Olmedo, and the service was listened to by Teuhtlile and his
attendants with decent reverence. A collation was afterwards served,
at which the general entertained his guest with Spanish wines and
confections. The interpreters were then introduced, and a conversation
commenced between the parties.
The first inquiries of Teuhtlile were respecting the country of
the strangers, and the purport of their visit. Cortes told him, that
"he was the subject of a potent monarch beyond the seas, who ruled
over an immense empire, and had kings and princes for his vassals!
that, acquainted with the greatness of the Mexican emperor, his master
had desired to enter into a communication with him, and had sent him
as his envoy to wait on Montezuma with a present in token of his
good will, and a message which he must deliver in person." He
concluded by inquiring of Teuhtlile when he could be admitted to his
sovereign's presence.
To this the Aztec noble somewhat haughtily replied, "How is it,
that you have been here only two days, and demand to see the emperor?"
He then added, with more courtesy, that "he was surprised to learn
there was another monarch as powerful as Montezuma; but that if it
were so, he had no doubt his master would be happy to communicate with
him. He would send his couriers with the royal gift brought by the
Spanish commander, and, so soon as he had learned Montezuma's will,
would communicate it."
Teuhtlile then commanded his slaves to bring forward the present
intended for the Spanish general. It consisted of ten loads of fine
cotton, several mantles of that curious feather-work whose rich and
delicate dyes might vie with the most beautiful painting, and a wicker
basket filled with ornaments of wrought gold, all calculated to
inspire the Spaniards with high ideas of the wealth and mechanical
ingenuity of the Mexicans.
Cortes received these presents with suitable acknowledgments,
and ordered his own attendants to lay before the chief the articles
designed for Montezuma. These were an arm-chair richly carved and
painted, a crimson cap of cloth, having a gold medal emblazoned with
St. George and the dragon, and a quantity of collars, bracelets, and
other ornaments of cut glass, which, in a country where glass was
not to be had, might claim to have the value of real gems, and no
doubt passed for such with the inexperienced Mexicans. Teuhtlile
observed a soldier in the camp with a shining gilt helmet on his head,
which he said reminded him of one worn by the god Quetzalcoatl in
Mexico; and he showed a desire that Montezuma should see it. The
coming of the Spaniards, as the reader will soon see, was associated
with some traditions of this same deity. Cortes expressed his
willingness that the casque should be sent to the emperor,
intimating a hope that it would be returned filled with the gold
dust of the country, that he might be able to compare its quality with
that in his own! He further told the governor, as we are informed by
his chaplain, "that the Spaniards were troubled with a disease of
the heart, for which gold was a specific remedy!" "In short," says Las
Casas, "he contrived to make his want of gold very clear to the
governor."
While these things were passing, Cortes observed one of
Teuhtlile's attendants busy with a pencil, apparently delineating some
object. On looking at his work, he found that it was a sketch on
canvas of the Spaniards, their costumes, arms, and, in short,
different objects of interest, giving to each its appropriate form and
colour. This was the celebrated picture-writing of the Aztecs, and, as
Teuhtlile informed him, this man was employed in portraying the
various objects for the eye of Montezuma, who would thus gather a more
vivid notion of their appearance than from any description by words.
Cortes was pleased with the idea; and, as he knew how much the
effect would be heightened by converting still life into action, he
ordered out the cavalry on the beach, the wet sands of which
afforded a firm footing for the horses. The bold and rapid movements
of the troops, as they went through their military exercises; the
apparent ease with which they managed the fiery animals on which
they were mounted; the glancing of their weapons, and the shrill cry
of the trumpet, all filled the spectators with astonishment; but
when they heard the thunders of the cannon, which Cortes ordered to be
fired at the same time, and witnessed the volumes of smoke and flame
issuing from these terrible engines, and the rushing sound of the
balls, as they dashed through the trees of the neighbouring forest,
shivering their branches into fragments, they were filled with
consternation, from which the Aztec chief himself was not wholly free.
Nothing of all this was lost on the painters, who faithfully
recorded, after their fashion, every particular; not omitting the
ships,- "the water-houses," as they called them, of the strangers-
which, with their dark hulls and snow-white sails reflected from the
water, were swinging lazily at anchor on the calm bosom of the bay.
All was depicted with a fidelity, that excited in their turn the
admiration of the Spaniards, who, doubtless unprepared for this
exhibition of skill, greatly overestimated the merits of the
execution.
These various matters completed, Teuhtlile with his attendants
withdrew from the Spanish quarters, with the same ceremony with
which he had entered them; leaving orders that his people should
supply the troops with provisions and other articles requisite for
their accommodation, till further instructions from the capital.
Chapter VI [1519]

ACCOUNT OF MONTEZUMA- STATE OF HIS EMPIRE- STRANGE PROGNOSTICS-
EMBASSY AND PRESENTS- SPANISH ENCAMPMENT

WE must now take leave of the Spanish camp in the tierra caliente,
and transport ourselves to the distant capital of Mexico, where no
little sensation was excited by the arrival of the wonderful strangers
on the coast. The Aztec throne was filled at that time by Montezuma
the Second, nephew of the last, and grandson of a preceding monarch.
He had been elected to the regal dignity in 1502, in preference to his
brothers, for his superior qualifications, both as a soldier and a
priest,- a combination of offices sometimes found in the Mexican
candidates, as it was, more frequently, in the Egyptian. In early
youth he had taken an active part in the wars of the empire, though of
late he had devoted himself more exclusively to the services of the
temple; and he was scrupulous in his attentions to all the
burdensome ceremonial of the Aztec worship. He maintained a grave
and reserved demeanour, speaking little and with prudent deliberation.
His deportment was well calculated to inspire ideas of superior
sanctity.
Montezuma displayed all the energy and enterprise in the
commencement of his reign, which had been anticipated from him. His
first expedition against a rebel province in the neighbourhood was
crowned with success, and he led back in triumph a throng of
captives for the bloody sacrifice that was to grace his coronation.
This was celebrated with uncommon pomp. Games and religious ceremonies
continued for several days, and among the spectators who flocked
from distant quarters were some noble Tlascalans, the hereditary
enemies of Mexico. They were in disguise, hoping thus to elude
detection. They were recognised, however, and reported to the monarch.
But he only availed himself of the information to provide them with
honourable entertainment, and a good place for witnessing the games.
This was a magnanimous act, considering the long cherished hostility
between the nations.
In his first years, Montezuma was constantly engaged in war, and
frequently led his armies in person. The Aztec banners were seen in
the furthest provinces of the Gulf of Mexico, and the distant
regions of Nicaragua and Honduras. The expeditions were generally
successful; and the limits of the empire were more widely extended
that at any preceding period.
Meanwhile the monarch was not inattentive to the interior concerns
of the kingdom. He made some important changes in the courts of
justice; and carefully watched over the execution of the laws, which
he enforced with stern severity. He was in the habit of patrolling the
streets of his capital in disguise, to make himself personally
acquainted with the abuses in it. And with more questionable policy,
it is said, he would sometimes try the integrity of his judges by
tempting them with large bribes to swerve from their duty, and then
call the delinquent to strict account for yielding to the temptation.
He liberally recompensed all who served him. He showed a similar
munificent spirit in his public works, constructing and embellishing
the temples, bringing water into the capital by a new channel, and
establishing a hospital, or retreat for invalid soldiers, in the
city of Colhuacan.
These acts, so worthy of a great prince, were counterbalanced by
others of an opposite complexion. The humility, displayed so
ostentatiously before his elevation, gave way to an intolerable
arrogance. In his pleasure-houses, domestic establishment, and way
of living, he assumed a pomp unknown to his predecessors. He
secluded himself from public observation, or, when he went abroad,
exacted the most slavish homage; while in the palace he would be
served only, even in the most menial offices, by persons of rank.
He, further, dismissed several plebeians, chiefly poor soldiers of
merit, from the places they had occupied near the person of his
predecessor, considering their attendance a dishonour to royalty. It
was in vain that his oldest and sagest counsellors remonstrated on a
conduct so impolitic.
While he thus disgusted his subjects by his haughty deportment, he
alienated their affections by the imposition of grievous taxes.
These were demanded by the lavish expenditure of his court. They
fell with peculiar heaviness on the conquered cities. This
oppression led to frequent insurrection and resistance; and the latter
years of his reign present a scene of unintermitting hostility, in
which the forces of one half of the empire were employed in
suppressing the commotions of the other. Unfortunately there was no
principle of amalgamation by which the new acquisitions could be
incorporated into the ancient monarchy, as parts of one whole. Their
interests, as well as sympathies, were different. Thus the more widely
the Aztec empire was extended, the weaker it became, resembling some
vast and ill-proportioned edifice, whose disjointed materials having
no principle of cohesion, and tottering under their own weight, seem
ready to fall before the first blast of the tempest.
In 1516, died the Tezcucan king, Nezahualpilli, in whom
Montezuma lost his most sagacious counsellor. The succession was
contested by his two sons, Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl. The former was
supported by Montezuma. The latter, the younger of the princes, a
bold, aspiring youth, appealing to the patriotic sentiment of his
nation, would have persuaded them that his brother was too much in the
Mexican interests to be true to his own country. A civil war ensued,
and ended by a compromise, by which one half of the kingdom, with
the capital, remained to Cacama, and the northern portion to his
ambitious rival. Ixtlilxochitl became from that time the mortal foe of
Montezuma.
A more formidable enemy still was the little republic of Tlascala,
lying midway between the Mexican Valley and the coast. It had
maintained its independence for more than two centuries against the
allied forces of the empire. Its resources were unimpaired, its
civilisation scarcely below that of its great rival states, and for
courage and military prowess it had established a name inferior to
none other of the nations of Anahuac.
Such was the condition of the Aztec monarchy, on the arrival of
Cortes;- the people disgusted with the arrogance of the sovereign; the
provinces and distant cities outraged by fiscal exactions; while
potent enemies in the neighbourhood lay watching the hour when they
might assail their formidable rival with advantage. Still the
kingdom was strong in its internal resources, in the will of its
monarch, in the long habitual deference to his authority,- in short,
in the terror of his name, and in the valour and discipline of his
armies, grown grey in active service, and well drilled in all the
tactics of Indian warfare. The time had now come when these
imperfect tactics and rude weapons of the barbarian were to be brought
into collision with the science and enginery of the most civilised
nations of the globe.
During the latter years of his reign, Montezuma had rarely taken
part in his military expeditions, which he left to his captains,
occupying himself chiefly with his sacerdotal functions. Under no
prince had the priesthood enjoyed greater consideration and
immunities. The religious festivals and rites were celebrated with
unprecedented pomp. The oracles were consulted on the most trivial
occasions; and the sanguinary deities were propitiated by hecatombs of
victims dragged in triumph to the capital from the conquered or
rebellious provinces. The religion, or, to speak correctly, the
superstition of Montezuma proved a principal cause of his calamities.
In a preceding chapter I have noticed the popular traditions
respecting Quetzalcoatl, that deity with a fair complexion and flowing
beard, so unlike the Indian physiognomy, who, after fulfilling his
mission of benevolence among the Aztecs, embarked on the Atlantic
Sea for the mysterious shores of Tlapallan. He promised, on his
departure, to return at some future day with his posterity, and resume
the possession of his empire. That day was looked forward to with hope
or with apprehension, according to the interest of the believer, but
with general confidence throughout the wide borders of Anahuac. Even
after the Conquest, it still lingered among the Indian races, by
whom it was as fondly cherished, as the advent of their king Sebastian
continued to be by the Portuguese, or that of the Messiah by the Jews.
A general feeling seems to have prevailed in the time of
Montezuma, that the period for the return of the deity, and the full
accomplishment of his promise, was near at hand. This conviction is
said to have gained ground from various preternatural occurrences,
reported with more or less detail by all the most ancient
historians. In 1510, the great lake of Tezcuco, without the occurrence
of a tempest, or earthquake, or any other visible cause, became
violently agitated, overflowed its banks, and, pouring into the
streets of Mexico, swept off many of the buildings by the fury of
the waters. In 1511, one of the turrets of the great temple took fire,
equally without any apparent cause, and continued to burn in
defiance of all attempts to extinguish it. In the following years,
three comets were seen; and not long before the coming of the
Spaniards a strange light broke forth in the east. It spread broad
at its base on the horizon, and rising in a pyramidal form tapered off
as it approached the zenith. It resembled a vast sheet or flood of
fire, emitting sparkles, or, as an old writer expresses it, "seemed
thickly powdered with stars." At the same time, low voices were
heard in the air, and doleful wailings, as if to announce some
strange, mysterious calamity! The Aztec monarch, terrified at the
apparitions in the heavens, took council of Nezahualpilli, who was a
great proficient in the subtle science of astrology. But the royal
sage cast a deeper cloud over his spirit, by reading in these
prodigies the speedy downfall of the empire.
Such are the strange stories reported by the chroniclers, in which
it is not impossible to detect the glimmerings of truth. Nearly thirty
years had elapsed since the discovery of the islands by Columbus,
and more than twenty since his visit to the American continent.
Rumours, more or less distinct, of this wonderful appearance of the
white men, bearing in their hands the thunder and the lightning, so
like in many respects to the traditions of Quetzalcoatl, would
naturally spread far and wide among the Indian nations. Such
rumours, doubtless, long before the landing of the Spaniards in
Mexico, found their way up the grand plateau, filling the minds of men
with anticipations of the near coming of the period when the great
deity was to return and receive his own again.
When tidings were brought to the capital of the landing of
Grijalva on the coast, in the preceding year, the heart of Montezuma
was filled with dismay. He felt as if the destinies which had so
long brooded over the royal line of Mexico were to be accomplished,
and the sceptre was to pass away from his house for ever. Though
somewhat relieved by the departure of the Spaniards, he caused
sentinels to be stationed on the heights; and when the Europeans
returned under Cortes, he doubtless received the earliest notice of
the unwelcome event. It was by his orders, however, that the
provincial governor had prepared so hospitable a reception for them.
The hieroglyphical report of these strange visitors, now forwarded
to the capital, revived all his apprehensions. He called without delay
a meeting of his principal counsellors, including the kings of Tezcuco
and Tlacopan, and laid the matter before them.
There seems to have been much division of opinion in that body.
Some were for resisting the strangers at once, whether by fraud, or by
open force. Others contended, that, if they were supernatural
beings, fraud and force would be alike useless. If they were, as
they pretended, ambassadors from a foreign prince, such a policy would
be cowardly and unjust. That they were not of the family of
Quetzalcoatl was argued from the fact, that they had shown
themselves hostile to his religion; for tidings of the proceedings
of the Spaniards in Tabasco, it seems, had already reached the
capital. Among those in favour of giving them a friendly and
honourable reception was the Tezcucan king, Cacama.
But Montezuma, taking counsel of his own ill-defined
apprehensions, preferred a half-way course,- as usual, the most
impolitic. He resolved to send an embassy, with such a magnificent
present to the strangers, as should impress them with high ideas of
his grandeur and resources; while at the same time, he would forbid
their approach to the capital. This was to reveal, at once, both his
wealth and his weakness.
While the Aztec court was thus agitated by the arrival of the
Spaniards, they were passing their time in the tierra caliente, not
a little annoyed by the excessive heats and suffocating atmosphere
of the sandy waste on which they were encamped. They experienced every
alleviation that could be derived from the attentions of the
friendly natives. These, by the governor's command, had constructed
more than a thousand huts or booths of branches and matting which they
occupied in the neighbourhood of the camp. Here they prepared
various articles of food for the tables of Cortes and his officers,
without any recompense; while the common soldiers easily obtained a
supply for themselves, in exchange for such trifles as they brought
with them for barter. Thus the camp was liberally provided with meat
and fish dressed in many savoury ways, with cakes of corn, bananas,
pine-apples, and divers luscious vegetables of the tropics, hitherto
unknown to the Spaniards. The soldiers contrived, moreover, to
obtain many little bits of gold, of no great value, indeed, from the
natives; a traffic very displeasing to the partisans of Velasquez, who
considered it an invasion of his rights. Cortes, however, did not
think it prudent in this matter to baulk the inclinations of his
followers.
At the expiration of seven, or eight days at most, the Mexican
embassy presented itself before the camp. It may seem an incredibly
short space of time, considering the distance of the capital was
near seventy leagues. But it may be remembered that tidings were
carried there by means of posts, as already noticed, in the brief
space of four-and-twenty hours; and four or five days would suffice
for the descent of the envoys to the coast, accustomed as the Mexicans
were to long and rapid travelling. At all events, no writer states the
period occupied by the Indian emissaries on this occasion as longer
than that mentioned.
The embassy, consisting of two Aztec nobles, was accompanied by
the governor, Teuhtlile, and by a hundred slaves, bearing the princely
gifts of Montezuma. One of the envoys had been selected on account
of the great resemblance which, as appeared from the painting
representing the camp, he bore to the Spanish commander. And it is a
proof of the fidelity of the painting, that the soldiers recognised
the resemblance, and always distinguished the chief by the name of the
"Mexican Cortes."
On entering the general's pavilion, the ambassadors saluted him
and his officers, with the usual signs of reverence to persons of
great consideration, touching the ground with their hands and then
carrying them to their heads, while the air was filled with clouds
of incense, which rose up from the censers borne by their
attendants. Some delicately wrought mats of the country (petates) were
then unrolled, and on them the slaves displayed the various articles
they had brought. They were of the most miscellaneous kind; shields,
helmets, cuirasses, embossed with plates and ornaments of pure gold;
collars and bracelets of the same metal, sandals, fans, panaches and
crests of variegated feathers, intermingled with gold and silver
thread, and sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; imitations of
birds and animals in wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite
workmanship; curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine as silk,
of rich and various dyes, interwoven with feather-work that rivalled
the delicacy of painting. There were more than thirty loads of
cotton cloth in addition. Among the articles was the Spanish helmet
sent to the capital, and now returned filled to the brim with grains
of gold. But the things which excited the most admiration were two
circular plates of gold and silver, "as large as carriage-wheels."
One, representing the sun, was richly carved with plants and animals,-
no doubt, denoting the Aztec century. It was thirty palms in
circumference, and was valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro. The
silver wheel, of the same size, weighed fifty marks.*

* Robertson cites Bernal Diaz as reckoning the value of the
silver plate at 20,000 pesos or about L 5000. (History of America,
vol. ii. note 75.) But Bernal Diaz speaks only of the value of the
gold plate, which he estimates at 20,000 pesos de oro, a different
affair from the pesos, dollars, or ounces of silver, with which the
historian confounds them. As the mention of the peso de oro will often
recur in these pages, it will be well to make the reader acquainted
with its probable value. Nothing more difficult than to ascertain
the actual value of the currency of a distant age; so many
circumstances occur to embarrass the calculation, besides the
general depreciation of the precious metals, such as the
adulteration of specific coins and the like. Senior Clemencin, the
secretary of the Royal Academy of History, in the sixth volume of
its Memorias, has computed with great accuracy the value of the
different denominations of the Spanish currency at the close of the
fifteenth century, the period just preceding that of the conquest of
Mexico. He makes no mention of the peso de oro in his tables. But he
ascertains the precise value of the gold ducat, which will answer
our purpose as well. (Memorias de la Real Academia de Historia
[Madrid, 1821], tom. vi. *Ilust. 20.) Oviedo, a contemporary of the
Conquerors, informs us that the peso de oro and the castellano were of
the same value, and that was precisely one third greater than the
value of the ducat. (Hist. del Ind., lib. 6, cap. 8, ap. Ramusio,
Navigationi et Viaggi [Venetia, 1565], tom. iii.) Now the ducat, as
appears from Clemencin, reduced to our own currency, would be equal to
eight dollars and seventy-five cents. The peso de oro, therefore,
was equal to eleven dollars and sixty-seven cents, or two pounds,
twelve shillings, and sixpence sterling. Keeping this in mind, it will
be easy for the reader to determine the actual value in pesos de
oro, of any sum that may be hereafter mentioned.

When Cortes and his officers had completed their survey, the
ambassadors courteously delivered the message of Montezuma. "It gave
their master great pleasure," they said, "to hold this communication
with so powerful a monarch as the King of Spain, for whom he felt
the most profound respect. He regretted much that he could not enjoy a
personal interview with the Spaniards, but the distance of his capital
was too great; since the journey was beset with difficulties, and with
too many dangers from formidable enemies, to make it possible. All
that could be done, therefore, was for the strangers to return to
their own land, with the proofs thus afforded them of his friendly
disposition."
Cortes, though much chagrined at this decided refusal of Montezuma
to admit his visit, concealed his mortification as he best might,
and politely expressed his sense of the emperor's munificence. "It
made him only the more desirous," he said, "to have a personal
interview with him. He should feel it, indeed, impossible to present
himself again before his own sovereign, without having accomplished
this great object of his voyage; and one, who had sailed over two
thousand leagues of ocean, held lightly the perils and fatigues of
so short a journey by land." He once more requested them to become the
bearers of his message to their master, together with a slight
additional token of his respect.
This consisted of a few fine Holland shirts, a Florentine
goblet, gilt and somewhat curiously enamelled, with some toys of
little value,- a sorry return for the solid magnificence of the
royal present. The ambassadors may have thought as much. At least,
they showed no alacrity in charging themselves either with the
present. or the message; and, on quitting the Castilian quarters,
repeated their assurance that the general's application would be
unavailing.
The splendid treasure, which now lay dazzling the eyes of the
Spaniards, raised in their bosoms very different emotions, according
to the difference of their characters. Some it stimulated with the
ardent desire to strike at once into the interior, and possess
themselves of a country which teemed with such boundless stores of
wealth. Others looked on it as the evidence of a power altogether
too formidable to be encountered with their present insignificant
force. They thought, therefore, it would be most prudent to return and
report their proceedings to the governor of Cuba, where preparations
could be made commensurate with so vast an undertaking. There can be
little doubt as to the impression made on the bold spirit of Cortes,
on which difficulties ever operated as incentives rather than
discouragements to enterprise. But he prudently said nothing,- at
least in public,- preferring that so important a movement should
flow from the determination of his whole army, rather than from his
own individual impulse.
Meanwhile the soldiers suffered greatly from the inconveniences of
their position amidst burning sands and the pestilent effluvia of
the neighbouring marshes, while the venomous insects of these hot
regions left them no repose, day or night. Thirty of their number
had already sickened and died; a loss that could in be afforded by the
little band. To add to their troubles, the coldness of the Mexican
chiefs had extended to their followers; and the supplies for the
camp were not only much diminished, but the prices set on them were
exorbitant. The position was equally unfavourable for the shipping,
which lay in an open roadstead, exposed to the fury of the first norte
which should sweep the Mexican Gulf.
The general was induced by these circumstances to despatch two
vessels, under Francisco de Montejo, with Alaminos for his pilot, to
explore the coast in a northerly direction, and see if a safer port
and more commodious quarters for the army could not be found there.
After the lapse of ten days the Mexican envoys returned. They
entered the Spanish quarters with the same formality as on the
former visit, bearing with them an additional present of rich stuffs
and metallic ornaments, which, though inferior in value to those
before brought, were estimated at three thousand ounces of gold.
Besides these, there were four precious stones of a considerable size,
resembling emeralds, called by the natives chalchuites, each of which,
as they assured the Spaniards, was worth more than a load of gold, and
was designed as a mark of particular respect for the Spanish
monarch. Unfortunately they were not worth as many loads of earth in
Europe.
Montezuma's answer was in substance the same as before. It
contained a positive prohibition for the strangers to advance nearer
to the capital; and expressed the confidence, that, now they had
obtained what they had most desired, they would return to their own
country without unnecessary delay. Cortes received this unpalatable
response courteously, though somewhat coldly, and, turning to his
officers, exclaimed, "This is a rich and powerful prince indeed; yet
it shall go hard, but we will one day pay him a visit in his capital!"
While they were conversing, the bell struck for vespers. At the
sound, the soldiers, throwing themselves on their knees, offered up
their orisons before the large wooden cross planted in the sands. As
the Aztec chiefs gazed with curious surprise, Cortes thought it a
favourable occasion to impress them with what he conceived to be a
principal object of his visit to the country. Father Olmedo
accordingly expounded, as briefly and clearly as he could, the great
doctrines of Christianity, touching on the atonement, the passion, and
the resurrection, and concluding with assuring his astonished
audience, that it was their intention to extirpate the idolatrous
practices of the nation, and to substitute the pure worship of the
true God. He then put into their hands a little image of the Virgin
with the infant Redeemer, requesting them to place it in their temples
instead of their sanguinary deities. How far the Aztec lords
comprehended the mysteries of the Faith, as conveyed through the
double version of Aguilar and Marina, or how well they perceived the
subtle distinctions between their own images and those of the Roman
Church, we are not informed. There is a reason to fear, however,
that the seed fell on barren ground; for, when the homily of the
good father ended, they withdrew with an air of dubious reserve very
different from their friendly manners at the first interview. The same
night every hut was deserted by the natives, and the Spaniards saw
themselves suddenly cut off from supplies in the midst of a desolate
wilderness. The movement had so suspicious an appearance, that
Cortes apprehended an attack would be made on his quarters, and took
precautions accordingly. But none was meditated.
The army was at length cheered by the return of Montejo from his
exploring expedition, after an absence of twelve days. He had run down
the Gulf as far as Panuco, where he experienced such heavy gales, in
attempting to double that headland, that he was driven back, and had
nearly foundered. In the whole course of the voyage he had found
only one place tolerably sheltered from the north winds.
Fortunately, the adjacent country, well watered by fresh running
streams, afforded a favourable position for the camp; and thither,
after some deliberation, it was determined to repair.
Chapter VII [1519]

TROUBLES IN THE CAMP- PLAN FOR A COLONY- MANAGEMENT OF CORTES-
MARCH TO CEMPOALLA- PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES-
FOUNDATION OF VILLA RICA DE VERA CRUZ

THERE is no situation which tries so severely the patience and
discipline of the soldier, as a life of idleness in camp, where his
thoughts, instead of being bent on enterprise and action, are fastened
on himself and the inevitable privations and dangers of his condition.
This was particularly the case in the present instance, where, in
addition to the evils of a scanty subsistence, the troops suffered
from excessive heat, swarms of venomous insects, and the other
annoyances of a sultry climate. They were, moreover, far from
possessing the character of regular forces, trained to subordination
under a commander whom they had long been taught to reverence and
obey. They were soldiers of fortune, embarked with him in an adventure
in which all seemed to have an equal stake, and they regarded their
captain- the captain of a day- as little more than an equal.
There was a growing discontent among the men at their longer
residence in this strange land. They were still more dissatisfied on
learning the general's intention to remove to the neighbourhood of the
port discovered by Montejo. "It was time to return," they said, "and
report what had been done to the governor of Cuba, and not linger on
these barren shores until they had brought the whole Mexican empire on
their heads!" Cortes evaded their importunities as well as he could,
assuring them there was no cause for despondency. "Everything so far
had gone on prosperously, and, when they had taken up a more
favourable position, there was no reason to doubt they might still
continue the same profitable intercourse with the natives."
While this was passing, five Indians made their appearance in
the camp one morning, and were brought to the general's tent. Their
dress and whole appearance were different from those of the
Mexicans. They wore rings of gold and gems of a bright blue stone in
their ears and nostrils, while a gold leaf delicately wrought was
attached to the under lip. Marina was unable to comprehend their
language; but, on her addressing them in Aztec, two of them, it was
found, could converse in that tongue. They said they were natives of
Cempoalla, the chief town of the Totonacs, a powerful nation who had
come upon the great plateau many centuries back, and descending its
eastern slope, settled along the sierras and broad plains which
skirt the Mexican Gulf towards the north. Their country was one of the
recent conquests of the Aztecs, and they experienced such vexatious
oppressions from their conquerors as made them very impatient of the
yoke. They informed Cortes of these and other particulars. The fame of
the Spaniards had reached their master, who sent these messengers to
request the presence of the wonderful strangers in his capital.
This communication was eagerly listened to by the general, who, it
will be remembered, was possessed of none of those facts, laid
before the reader, respecting the internal condition of the kingdom,
which he had no reason to suppose other than strong and united. An
important truth now flashed on his mind, as his quick eye descried
in this spirit of discontent a potent lever by the aid of which he
might hope to overturn this barbaric empire. He received the mission
of the Totonacs most graciously, and, after informing himself, as
far as possible, of their dispositions and resources, dismissed them
with presents, promising soon to pay a visit to their lord.
Meanwhile, his personal friends, among whom may be particularly
mentioned Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, Christoval de Olid,
Alonso de Avila, Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, were very busy in
persuading the troops to take such measures as should enable Cortes to
go foward in those ambitious plans for which he had no warrant from
the powers of Velasquez. "To return now," they said, "was to abandon
the enterprise on the threshold, which, under such a leader, must
conduct to glory and incalculable riches. To return to Cuba would be
to surrender to the greedy governor the little gains they had
already got. The only way was to persuade the general to establish a
permanent colony in the country, the government of which would take
the conduct of matters into its own hands, and provide for the
interests of its members. It was true, Cortes had no such authority
from Velasquez. But the interests of the Sovereigns, which were
paramount to every other, imperatively demanded it."
These conferences could not be conducted so secretly, though
held by night, as not to reach the ears of the friends of Velasquez.
They remonstrated against the proceedings, as insidious and
disloyal. They accused the general of instigating them; and, calling
on him to take measures without delay for the return of the troops
to Cuba, announced their own intention to depart, with such
followers as still remained true to the governor.
Cortes, instead of taking umbrage at this high-handed
proceeding, or even answering in the same haughty tone, mildly
replied, "that nothing was further from his desire than to exceed
his instructions. He, indeed, preferred to remain in the country and
continue his profitable intercourse with the natives. But, since the
army thought otherwise, he should defer to their opinion, and give
orders to return, as they desired." On the following morning,
proclamation was made for the troops to hold themselves in readiness
to embark at once on board the fleet, which was to sail for Cuba.
Great was the sensation caused by their general's order. Even many
of those before clamorous for it, with the usual caprice of men
whose wishes are too easily gratified, now regretted it. The partisans
of Cortes were loud in their remonstrances. "They were betrayed by the
general," they cried, and thronging round his tent, called on him to
countermand his orders. "We came here," said they, "expecting to
form a settlement, if the state of the country authorised it. Now it
seems you have no warrant from the governor to make one. But there are
interests, higher than those of Velasquez, which demand it. These
territories are not his property, but were discovered for the
Sovereigns; and it is necessary to plant a colony to watch over
their interests, instead of wasting time in idle barter, or, still
worse, of returning, in the present state of affairs, to Cuba. If
you refuse," they concluded, "we shall protest against your conduct as
disloyal to their Highnesses."
Cortes received this remonstrance with the embarrassed air of
one by whom it was altogether unexpected. He modestly requested time
for deliberation, and promised to give his answer on the following
day. At the time appointed, he called the troops together, and made
them a brief address. "There was no one," he said, "if he knew his own
heart, more deeply devoted than himself to the welfare of his
sovereigns, and the glory of the Spanish name. He had not only
expended his all, but incurred heavy debts, to meet the charges of
this expedition, and had hoped to reimburse himself by continuing
his traffic with the Mexicans. But, if the soldiers thought a
different course advisable, he was ready to postpone his own advantage
to the good of the state." He concluded by declaring his willingness
to take measures for settling a colony in the name of the Spanish
Sovereigns, and to nominate a magistracy to preside over it.
For the alcaldes he selected Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former
cavalier his fast friend, and the latter the friend of Velasquez,
and chosen for that very reason; a stroke of policy which perfectly
succeeded. The regidores, alguacil, treasurer, and other
functionaries, were then appointed, all of them his personal friends
and adherents. They were regularly sworn into office, and the new city
received the title of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, "The Rich Town of the
True Cross"; a name which was considered as happily intimating that
union of spiritual and temporal interests to which the arms of the
Spanish adventurers in the New World were to be devoted. Thus, by a
single stroke of the pen, as it were, the camp was transformed into
a civil community, and the whole framework and even title of the
city were arranged before the site of it had been settled.
The new municipality were not slow in coming together; when Cortes
presented himself cap in hand, before that august body, and, laying
the powers of Velasquez on the table, respectfully tendered the
resignation of his office of Captain General, "which, indeed," he
said, "had necessarily expired, since the authority of the governor
was now superseded by that of the magistracy of Villa Rica de Vera
Cruz." He then, with a profound obeisance, left the apartment.
The council, after a decent time spent in deliberation, again
requested his presence. "There was no one," they said, "who, on mature
reflection, appeared to them so well qualified to take charge of the
interests of the community, both in peace and in war, as himself;
and they unanimously named him, in behalf of their Catholic
Highnesses, Captain General and Chief justice of the colony." He was
further empowered to draw, on his own account, one fifth of the gold
and silver which might hereafter be obtained by commerce or conquest
from the natives. Thus clothed with supreme civil and military
jurisdiction, Cortes was not backward in exerting his authority. He
found speedy occasion for it.
The transactions above described had succeeded each other so
rapidly, that the governor's party seemed to be taken by surprise, and
had formed no plan of opposition. When the last measure was carried,
however, they broke forth into the most indignant and opprobrious
invectives, denouncing the whole as a systematic conspiracy against
Velasquez. These accusations led to recrimination from the soldiers of
the other side, until from words they nearly proceeded to blows.
Some of the principal cavaliers, among them Velasquez de Leon, a
kinsman of the governor, Escobar his page, and Diego de Ordaz, were so
active in instigating these turbulent movements that Cortes took the
bold measure of putting them all in irons, and sending them on board
the vessels. He then dispersed the common file by detaching many of
them, with a strong party under Alvarado, to forage the neighbouring
country, and bring home provisions for the destitute camp.
During their absence, every argument that cupidity or ambition
could suggest was used to win the refractory to his views. Promises,
and even gold, it is said, were liberally lavished; till, by
degrees, their understandings were opened to a clearer view of the
merits of the case. And when the foraging party re-appeared with
abundance of poultry and vegetables, and the cravings of the
stomach- that great laboratory of disaffection, whether in camp or
capital- were appeased, good humour returned with good cheer, and
the rival factions embraced one another as companions in arms, pledged
to a common cause. Even the high-mettled hidalgos on board the vessels
did not long withstand the general tide of reconciliation, but one
by one gave in their adhesion to the new government. What is more
remarkable is, that this forced conversion was not a hollow one, but
from this time forward several of these very cavaliers become the most
steady and devoted partisans of Cortes.
Such was the address of this extraordinary man, and such the
ascendency which in a few months he had acquired over these wild and
turbulent spirits! By this ingenious transformation of a military into
a civil community, he had secured a new and effectual basis for future
operations. He might now go forward without fear of cheek or control
from a superior,- at least from any other superior than the crown,
under which alone he held his commission. In accomplishing this,
instead of incurring the charge of usurpation, or of transcending
his legitimate powers, he had transferred the responsibility, in a
great measure, to those who had imposed on him the necessity of
action. By this step, moreover, he had linked the fortunes of his
followers indissolubly with his own. They had taken their chance
with him, and, whether for weal or for woe, must abide the
consequences. He was no longer limited to the narrow concerns of a
sordid traffic, but sure of their co-operation, might now boldly
meditate, and gradually disclose, those lofty schemes which he had
formed in his own bosom for the conquest of an empire.
Harmony being thus restored, Cortes sent his heavy guns on board
the fleet, and ordered it to coast along the shore to the north as far
as Chiahuitztla, the town near which the destined port of the new city
was situated; proposing, himself, at the head of his troops, to
visit Cempoalla, on the march. The road lay for some miles across
the dreary plains in the neighbourhood of the modern Vera Cruz. In
this sandy waste no signs of vegetation met their eyes, which,
however, were occasionally refreshed by glimpses of the blue Atlantic,
and by the distant view of the magnificent Orizaba, towering with
his spotless diadem of snow far above his colossal brethren of the
Andes. As they advanced, the country gradually assumed a greener and
richer aspect. They crossed a river, probably a tributary of the Rio
de la Antigua, with difficulty, on rafts, and on some broken canoes
that were lying on the banks. They now came in view of very
different scenery,- wide-rolling plains covered with a rich carpet
of verdure, and overshadowed by groves of cocoas and feathery palms,
among whose tall, slender stems were seen deer, and various wild
animals with which the Spaniards were unacquainted. Some of the
horsemen gave chase to the deer, and wounded, but did not succeed in
killing them. They saw, also, pheasants and other birds; among them
the wild turkey, the pride of the American forest, which the Spaniards
described as a species of peacock.
On their route they passed through some deserted villages in which
were Indian temples, where they found censers, and other sacred
utensils, and manuscripts of the agave fibre, containing the
picture-writing, in which, probably, their religious ceremonies were
recorded. They now beheld, also, the hideous spectacle, with which
they became afterwards familiar, of the mutilated corpses of victims
who had been sacrificed to the accursed deities of the land. The
Spaniards turned with loathing and indignation from a display of
butchery, which formed so dismal a contrast to the fair scenes of
nature by which they were surrounded.
They held their course along the banks of the river, towards its
source, when they were met by twelve Indians, sent by the cacique of
Cempoalla to show them the way to his residence. At night they
bivouacked in an open meadow, where they were well supplied with
provisions by their new friends. They left the stream on the following
morning, and, striking northerly across the country, came upon a
wide expanse of luxuriant plains and woodland, glowing in all the
splendour of tropical vegetation. The branches of the stately trees
were gaily festooned with clustering vines of the dark-purple grape,
variegated convolvuli, and other flowering parasites of the most
brilliant dyes. The undergrowth of prickly aloe, matted with wild rose
and honeysuckle, made in many places an almost impervious thicket.
Amid this wilderness of sweet-smelling buds and blossoms fluttered
numerous birds of the parrot tribe, and clouds of butterflies, whose
gaudy colours, nowhere so gorgeous as in the tierra caliente, rivalled
those of the vegetable creation; while birds of exquisite song, the
scarlet cardinal and the marvellous mockingbird, that comprehends in
his own notes the whole music of a forest, filled the air with
delicious melody.- The hearts of the stern Conquerors were not very
sensible to the beauties of nature. But the magical charms of the
scenery drew forth unbounded expressions of delight, and as they
wandered through this "terrestrial paradise," as they called it,
they fondly compared it to the fairest regions of their own sunny
land.
As they approached the Indian city, they saw abundant signs of
cultivation in the trim gardens and orchards that lined both sides
of the road. They were now met by parties of the natives of either
sex, who increased in numbers with every step of their progress. The
women, as well as men, mingled fearlessly among the soldiers,
bearing bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which they decorated
the neck of the general's charger, and hung a chaplet of roses about
his helmet. Flowers were the delight of this people. They bestowed
much care in their cultivation, in which they were well seconded by
a climate of alternate heat and moisture, stimulating the soil to
the spontaneous production of every form of vegetable life. The same
refined taste, as we shall see, prevailed among the warlike Aztecs.
Many of the women appeared, from their richer dress and numerous
attendants, to be persons of rank. They were clad in robes of fine
cotton, curiously coloured, which reached from the neck- in the
inferior orders, from the waist- to the ankles. The men wore a sort of
mantle of the same material, in the Moorish fashion, over their
shoulders, and belts or sashes about the loins. Both sexes had
jewels and ornaments of gold round their necks, while their ears and
nostrils were perforated with rings of the same metal.
Just before reaching the town, some horsemen who had rode in
advance returned with the amazing intelligence, "that they had been
near enough to look within the gates, and found the houses all
plated with burnished silver!" On entering the place, the silver was
found to be nothing more than a brilliant coating of stucco, with
which the principal buildings were covered; a circumstance which
produced much merriment among the soldiers at the expense of their
credulous comrades. Such ready credulity is a proof of the exalted
state of their imaginations, which were prepared to see gold and
silver in every object around them. The edifices of the better kind
were of stone and lime, or bricks dried in the sun; the poorer were of
clay and earth. All were thatched with palm-leaves, which, though a
flimsy roof, apparently, for such structures, were so nicely
interwoven as to form a very effectual protection against the weather.
The city was said to contain from twenty to thirty thousand
inhabitants. This is the most moderate computation, and not
improbable. Slowly and silently the little army paced the narrow and
now crowded streets of Cempoalla, inspiring the natives with no
greater wonder than they themselves experienced at the display of a
policy and refinement so far superior to anything they had witnessed
in the New World. The cacique came out in front of his residence to
receive them. He was a tall and very corpulent man, and advanced
leaning on two of his attendants. He received Cortes and his followers
with great courtesy; and, after a brief interchange of civillties,
assigned the army its quarters in a neighbouring temple, into the
spacious courtyard of which a number of apartments opened, affording
excellent accommodations for the soldiery.
Here the Spaniards were well supplied with provisions, meat cooked
after the fashion of the country, and maize made into bread-cakes. The
general received, also, a present of considerable value from the
cacique, consisting of ornaments of gold and fine cottons.
Notwithstanding these friendly demonstrations, Cortes did not relax
his habitual vigilance, nor neglect any of the precautions of a good
soldier. On his route, indeed, he had always marched in order of
battle, well prepared against surprise. In his present quarters, he
stationed his sentinels with like care, posted his small artillery
so as to command the entrance, and forbade any soldier to leave the
camp without orders, under pain of death.
The following morning, Cortes, accompanied by fifty of his men,
paid a visit to the lord of Cempoalla in his own residence. It was a
building of stone and lime, standing on a steep terrace of earth,
and was reached by a flight of stone steps. It may have borne
resemblance in its structure to some of the ancient buildings found in
Central America. Cortes, leaving his soldiers in the courtyard,
entered the mansion with one of his officers, and his fair
interpreter, Dona Marina. A long conference ensued, from which the
Spanish general gathered much light respecting the state of the
country. He first announced to the chief, that he was the subject of a
great monarch who dwelt beyond the waters; that he had come to the
Aztec shores, to abolish the inhuman worship which prevailed there,
and to introduce the knowledge of the true God. The cacique replied
that their gods, who sent them the sunshine and the rain, were good
enough for them; that he was the tributary of a powerful monarch also,
whose capital stood on a lake far off among the mountains; a stern
prince, merciless in his exactions, and, in case of resistance, or any
offence, sure to wreak his vengeance by carrying off their young men
and maidens to be sacrificed to his deities. Cortes assured him that
he would never consent to such enormities; he had been sent by his
sovereign to redress abuses and to punish the oppressor; and, if the
Totonacs would be true to him, he would enable them to throw off the
detested yoke of the Aztecs.
The cacique added, that the Totonac territory contained about
thirty towns and villages, which could muster a hundred thousand
warriors,- a number much exaggerated. There were other provinces of
the empire, he said, where the Aztec rule was equally odious; and
between him and the capital lay the warlike republic of Tlascala,
which had always maintained its independence of Mexico. The fame of
the Spaniards had gone before them, and he was well acquainted with
their terrible victory at Tabasco. But still he looked with doubt
and alarm to a rupture with "the great Montezuma," as he always styled
him; whose armies, on the least provocation, would pour down from
the mountain regions of the west, and, rushing over the plains like
a whirlwind, sweep off the wretched people to slavery and sacrifice!
Cortes endeavoured to reassure him, by declaring that a single
Spaniard was stronger than a host of Aztecs. At the same time, it
was desirable to know what nations would cooperate with him, not so
much on his account, as theirs, that he might distinguish friend
from foe, and know whom he was to spare in this war of
extermination. Having raised the confidence of the admiring chief by
this comfortable and politic vaunt, he took an affectionate leave,
with the assurance that he would shortly return and concert measures
for their future operations, when he had visited his ships in the
adjoining port, and secured a permanent settlement there.
The intelligence gained by Cortes gave great satisfaction to his
mind. It confirmd his former views, and showed, indeed, the interior
of the monarchy to be in a state far more distracted than he had
supposed. If he had before scarcely shrunk from attacking the Aztec
empire in the true spirit of a knight-errant, with his single arm,
as it were, what had he now to fear, when one half of the nation could
be thus marshalled against the other? In the excitement of the moment,
his sanguine spirit kindled with an enthusiasm which overleaped
every obstacle. He communicated his own feelings to the officers about
him, and, before a blow was struck, they already felt as if the
banners of Spain were waving in triumph the towers of Montezuma!
Taking leave of the hospitable Indian on the following day, the
Spaniards took the road to Chiahuitztla, about four leagues distant,
near which was the port discovered by Montejo, where their ships
were now riding at anchor. They were provided by the cacique with four
hundred Indian porters, tamanes, as they were called, to transport the
baggage. These men easily carried fifty pounds' weight five or six
leagues in a day. They were in use all over the Mexican empire, and
the Spaniards found them of great service, henceforth, in relieving
the troops from this part of their duty. They passed through a country
of the same rich, voluptuous character as that which they had lately
traversed; and arrived early next morning at the Indian town,
perched like a fortress on a bold, rocky eminence that commanded the
Gulf. Most of the inhabitants had fled, but fifteen of the principal
men remained, who received them in a friendly manner, offering the
usual compliments of flowers and incense. The people of the place,
losing their fears, gradually returned. While conversing with the
chiefs, the Spaniards were joined by the worthy cacique of
Cempoalla, borne by his men on a litter. He eagerly took part in their
deliberations. The intelligence gained here by Cortes confirmed the
accounts already gathered of the feelings and resources of the Totonac
nation.
In the midst of their conference, they were interrupted by a
movement among the people, and soon afterwards five men entered the
great square or market-place, where they were standing. By their lofty
port, their peculiar and much richer dress, they seemed not to be of
the same race as these Indians. Their dark glossy hair was tied in a
knot on the top of the head. They had bunches of flowers in their
hands, and were followed by several attendants, some bearing wands
with cords, other fans, with which they brushed away the flies and
insects from their lordly masters. As these persons passed through the
place, they cast a haughty look on the Spaniards, scarcely deigning to
return their salutations. They were immediately joined, in great
confusion, by the Totonac chiefs, who seemed anxious to conciliate
them by every kind of attention.
The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina what it meant.
She informed him, they were Aztec nobles, empowered to receive the
tribute for Montezuma. Soon after, the chiefs returned with dismay
painted on their faces. They confirmed Marina's statement, adding,
that the Aztecs greatly resented the entertainment afforded the
Spaniards without the emperor's permission; and demanded in
expiation twenty young men and women for sacrifice to the gods. Cortes
showed the strongest indignation at this insolence. He required the
Totonacs not only to refuse the demand, but to arrest the persons of
the collectors, and throw them into prison. The chiefs hesitated,
but he insisted on it so peremptorily, that they at length complied,
and the Aztecs were seized, bound hand and foot, and placed under a
guard.
In the night, the Spanish general procured the escape of two of
them, and had them brought secretly before him. He expressed his
regret at the indignity they had experienced from the Totonacs; told
them, he would provide means for their flight, and to-morrow would
endeavour to obtain the release of their companions. He desired them
to report this to their master, with assurances of the great regard
the Spaniards entertained for him, notwithstanding his ungenerous
behaviour in leaving them to perish from want on his barren shores. He
then sent the Mexican nobles down to the port, whence they were
carried to another part of the coast by water, for fear of the
violence of the Totonacs. These were greatly incensed at the escape of
the prisoners, and would have sacrificed the remainder at once, but
for the Spanish commander, who evinced the utmost horror at the
proposal, and ordered them to be sent for safe custody on board the
fleet. Soon after, they were permitted to join their companions.- This
artful proceeding, so characteristic of the policy of Cortes, had,
as we shall see hereafter, all the effect intended on Montezuma.
By order of Cortes, messengers were despatched to the Totonac
towns, to report what had been done, calling on them to refuse the
payment of further tribute to Montezuma. But there was no need of
messengers. The affrighted attendants of the Aztec lords had fled in
every direction, bearing the tidings, which spread like wildfire
through the country, of the daring insult offered to the majesty of
Mexico. The astonished Indians, cheered with the sweet hope of
regaining their ancient liberty, came in numbers to Chiahuitztla, to
see and confer with the formidable strangers. The more timid, dismayed
at the thoughts of encountering the power of Montezuma, recommended an
embassy to avert his displeasure by timely concessions. But the
dexterous management of Cortes had committed them too far to allow any
reasonable expectation of indulgence from this quarter. After some
hesitation, therefore, it was determined to embrace the protection
of the Spaniards, and to make one bold effort for the recovery of
freedom. Oaths of allegiance were taken by the chiefs to the Spanish
sovereigns, and duly recorded by Godoy, the royal notary. Cortes,
satisfied with the important acquisition of so many vassals to the
crown, set out soon after for the destined port, having first promised
to revisit Cempoalla, where his business was but partially
accomplished.
The spot selected for the new city was only half a league distant,
in a wide and fruitful plain, affording a tolerable haven for the
shipping. Cortes was not long in determining the circuit of the walls,
and the sites of the fort, granary, townhouse, temple, and other
public buildings. The friendly Indians eagerly assisted, by bringing
materials, stone, lime, wood, and bricks dried in the sun. Every man
put his hand to the work. The general laboured with the meanest of the
soldiers, stimulating their exertions by his example, as well as
voice. In a few weeks the task was accomplished, and a town rose up,
which, if not quite worthy of the aspiring name it bore, answered most
of the purposes for which it was intended. It served as a good point
d'appui for future operations; a place of retreat for the disabled, as
well as for the army in case of reverses; a magazine for stores, and
for such articles as might be received from or sent to the mother
country; a port for the shipping; a position of sufficient strength to
overawe the adjacent country.
It was the first colony- the fruitful parent of so many others- in
New Spain. It was hailed with satisfaction by the simple natives,
who hoped to repose in safety under its protecting shadow. Alas!
they could not read the future, or they would have found no cause to
rejoice in this harbinger of a revolution more tremendous than. any
predicted by their bards and prophets. It was not the good
Quetzalcoatl who had returned to claim his own again, bringing
peace, freedom, and civilisation in his train. Their fetters,
indeed, would be broken, and their wrongs be amply avenged on the
proud head of the Aztec; but it was to be by that strong arm which
should bow down equally the oppressor and the oppressed. The light
of civilisation would be poured on their land; but it would be the
light of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their
institutions, their very existence and name as a nation, would
wither and become extinct! Their doom was sealed when the white man.
had set his foot on their soil.
Chapter VIII [1519]

ANOTHER AZTEC EMBASSY- DESTRUCTION OF IDOLS-
DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN- CONSPIRACY IN THE CAMP- THE FLEET SUNK

WHILE the Spaniards were occupied with their new settlement,
they were surprised by the presence of an embassy from Mexico. The
account of the imprisonment of the royal collectors had spread rapidly
through the country. When it reached the capital, all were filled with
amazement at the unprecedented daring of the strangers. In Montezuma
every other feeling, even that of fear, was swallowed up in
indignation; and he showed his wonted energy in the vigorous
preparations which he instantly made to punish his rebellious vassals,
and to avenge the insult offered to the majesty of the empire. But
when the Aztec officers liberated by Cortes reached the capital and
reported the courteous treatment they had received from the Spanish
commander, Montezuma's anger was mitigated, and his superstitious
fears, getting the ascendency again, induced him to resume his
former timid and conciliatory policy. He accordingly sent an
embassy, consisting of two youths, his nephews, and four of the
ancient nobles of his court, to the Spanish quarters. He provided
them, in his usual munificent spirit, with a princely donation of
gold, rich cotton stuffs, and beautiful mantles of the plumaje, or
feather embroidery. The envoys, on coming before Cortes, presented him
with the articles, at the same time offering the acknowledgments of
their master for the courtesy he had shown in liberating his captive
nobles. He was surprised and afflicted, however, that the Spaniards
should have countenanced his faithless vassals in their rebellion.
He had no doubt they were the strangers whose arrival had been so long
announced by the oracles, and of the same lineage with himself. From
deference to them he would spare the Totonacs, while they were
present. But the time for vengeance would come.
Cortes entertained the Indian chieftains with frank hospitality.
At the same time he took care to make such a display of his resources,
as, while it amused their minds, should leave a deep impression of his
power. He then, after a few trifling gifts, dismissed them with a
conciliatory message to their master, and the assurance that he should
soon pay his respects to him in his capital, where all
misunderstanding between them would be readily adjusted.
The Totonac allies could scarcely credit their senses, when they
gathered the nature of this interview. Notwithstanding the presence of
the Spaniards, they had looked with apprehension to the consequences
of their rash act; and their feelings of admiration were heightened
into awe for the strangers who, at this distance, could exercise so
mysterious an influence over the terrible Montezuma.
Not long after, the Spaniards received an application from the
cacique of Cempoalla to aid him in a dispute in which he was engaged
with a neighbouring city. Cortes marched with a part of his forces
to his support. On the route, one Morla, a common soldier, robbed a
native of a couple of fowls. Cortes, indignant at this violation of
his orders before his face, and aware of the importance of maintaining
a reputation for good faith with his allies, commanded the man to be
hung up at once by the roadside, in face of the whole army.
Fortunately for the poor wretch, Pedro de Alvarado, the future
conqueror of Quiche, was present, and ventured to cut down the body
while there was yet life in it. He, probably, thought enough had
been done for example, and the loss of a single life, unnecessarily,
was more than the little band could afford. The anecdote is
characteristic, as showing the strict discipline maintained by
Cortes over his men and the freedom assumed by his captains, who
regarded him on terms nearly of equality,- as a fellow-adventurer with
themselves. This feeling of companionship led to a spirit of
insubordination among them, which made his own post as commander the
more delicate and difficult.
On reaching the hostile city, but a few leagues from the coast,
they were received in an amicable manner; and Cortes, who was
accompanied by his allies, had the satisfaction of reconciling these
different branches of the Totonac family with each other, without
bloodshed. He then returned to Cempoalla, where he was welcomed with
joy by the people, who were now impressed with as favourable an
opinion of his moderation and justice, as they had before been of
his valour. In token of his gratitude, the Indian cacique delivered to
the general eight Indian maidens, richly dressed, wearing collars
and ornaments of gold, with a number of female slaves to wait on them.
They were daughters of the principal chiefs, and the cacique requested
that the Spanish captains might take them as their wives. Cortes
received the damsels courteously, but told the cacique they must first
be baptised, as the sons of the Church could have no commerce with
idolaters. He then declared that it was a great object of his
mission to wean the natives from their heathenish abominations, and
besought the Totonac lord to allow his idols to be cast down, and
the symbols of the true faith to be erected in their place.
To this the other answered as before, that his gods were good
enough for him; nor could all the persuasion of the general, nor the
preaching of Father Olmedo, induce him to acquiesce. Mingled with
his polytheism, he had conceptions of a Supreme and Infinite Being,
Creator of the Universe, and his darkened understanding could not
comprehend how such a Being could condescend to take the form of
humanity, with its infirmities and ills, and wander about on earth,
the voluntary victim of persecution from the hands of those whom his
breath had called into existence. He plainly told the Spaniards that
he would resist any violence offered to his gods, who would, indeed,
avenge the act themselves, by the instant destruction of their
enemies.
But the zeal of the Christians had mounted too high to be cooled
by remonstrance or menace. During their residence in the land, the had
witnessed more than once the barbarous rites of the natives, their
cruel sacrifices of human victims, and their disgusting cannibal
repasts. Their souls sickened at these abominations, and they agreed
with one voice to stand by their general, when he told them, that
"Heaven would never smile on their enterprise, if they countenanced
such atrocities; and that, for his own part, he was resolved the
Indian idols should be demolished that very hour, if it cost him his
life." To postpone the work of conversion was a sin. In the enthusiasm
of the moment, the dictates of policy and ordinary prudence were alike
unheeded.
Scarcely waiting for his commands, the Spaniards moved towards one
of the principal teocallis, or temples, which rose high on a pyramidal
foundation, with a steep ascent of stone steps in the middle. The
cacique, divining their purpose, instantly called his men to arms. The
Indian warriors gathered from all quarters, with shrill cries and
clashing of weapons; while the priests, in their dark cotton robes,
with dishevelled tresses matted with blood, flowing wildly over
their shoulders, rushed frantic among the natives, calling on them
to protect their gods from violation! All was now confusion, tumult,
and warlike menace, where so lately had been peace and the sweet
brotherhood of nations.
Cortes took his usual prompt and decided measures. He caused the
cacique and some of the principal inhabitants and priests to be
arrested by his soldiers. He then commanded them to quiet the
people, for, if an arrow was shot against a Spaniard, it should cost
every one of them his life. Marina, at the same time, represented
the madness of resistance, and reminded the cacique, that, if he now
alienated the affections of the Spaniards, he would be left without
a protector against the terrible vengeance of Montezuma. These
temporal considerations seem to have had more weight with the
Totonac chieftain than those of a more spiritual nature. He covered
his face with his hands, exclaiming, that the gods would avenge
their own wrongs.
The Christians were not slow in availing themselves of his tacit
acquiescence. Fifty soldiers, at a signal from their general, sprang
up the great stairway of the temple, entered the building on the
summit, the walls of which were black with human gore, tore the huge
wooden idols from their foundations, and dragged them to the edge of
the terrace. Their fantastic forms and features, conveying a
symbolic meaning, which was lost on the Spaniards, seemed in their
eyes only the hideous lineaments of Satan. With great alacrity they
rolled the colossal monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amidst the
triumphant shouts of their own companions, and the groans and
lamentations of the natives. They then consummated the whole by
burning them in the presence of the assembled multitude.
The same effect followed as in Cozumel. The Totonacs, finding
their deities incapable of preventing or even punishing this
profanation of their shrines, conceived a mean opinion of their power,
compared with that of the mysterious and formidable strangers. The
floor and walls of the teocalli were then cleansed, by command of
Cortes, from their, foul impurities; a fresh coating of stucco was
laid on them by the Indian masons; and an altar was raised, surmounted
by a lofty cross, and hung with garlands of roses. A procession was
next formed, in which some of the principal Totonae priests,
exchanging their dark mantles for robes of white, carried lighted
candles in their hands; while an image of the Virgin, half smothered
under the weight of flowers, was borne aloft, and, as the procession
climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited above the altar. Mass
was performed by Father Olmedo, and the impressive character of the
ceremony and the passionate eloquence of the good priest touched the
feelings of the motley audience, until Indians as well as Spaniards,
if we may trust the chronicler, were melted into tears and audible
sobs.
An old soldier named Juan de Torres, disabled by bodily infirmity,
consented to remain and watch over the sanctuary and instruct the
natives in its services. Cortes then, embracing his Totonac allies,
now brothers in religion as in arms, set out once more for the Villa
Rica, where he had some arrangements to complete, previous to his
departure for the capital.
He was surprised to find that a Spanish vessel had arrived there
in his absence, having on board twelve soldiers and two horses. It was
under the command of a captain named Saucedo, a cavalier of the ocean,
who had followed in the track of Cortes in quest of adventure.
Though a small, they afforded a very seasonable, body of recruits
for the little army. By these men, the Spaniards were informed that
Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, had lately received a warrant from
the Spanish government to establish a colony in the newly discovered
countries.
Cortes now, resolved to put a plan in execution which he had
been some time meditating. He knew that all the late acts of the
colony, as well as his own authority, would fall to the ground without
the royal sanction. He knew, too, that the interest of Velasquez,
which was great at court, would, as soon as he was acquainted with his
secession, be wholly employed to circumvent and crush him. He resolved
to anticipate his movements, and to send a vessel to Spain, with
despatches addressed to the emperor himself, announcing the nature and
extent of his discoveries, and to obtain, if possible, the
confirmation of his proceedings. In order to conciliate his master's
good will, he further proposed to send him such a present as should
suggest lofty ideas of the importance of his own services to the
crown. To effect this, the royal fifth he considered inadequate. He
conferred with his officers, and persuaded them to relinquish their
share of the treasure. At his instance, they made a similar
application to the soldiers; representing that it was the earnest wish
of the general, who set the example by resigning his own fifth,
equal to the share of the crown. It was but little that each man was
asked to surrender, but the whole would make a present worthy of the
monarch for whom it was intended. By this sacrifice they might hope to
secure his indulgence for the past, and his favour for the future; a
temporary sacrifice, that would be well repaid by the security of
the rich possessions which awaited them in Mexico. A paper was then
circulated among the soldiers, which all, who were disposed to
relinquish their shares, were requested to sign. Those who declined
should have their claims respected, and receive the amount due to
them. No one refused to sign; thus furnishing another example of the
extraordinary power obtained by Cortes over these rapacious spirits,
who, at his call, surrendered up the very treasures which had been the
great object of their hazardous enterprise!*

* A complete inventory of the articles received from Montezuma is
contained in the Carta de Vera Cruz.- The following are a few of the
items.
Two collars made of gold and precious stones.
A hundred ounces of gold ore, that their Highnesses might see in
what state the gold came from the mines.
Two birds made of green feathers, with feet, beaks, and eyes of
gold,- and, in the same piece with them, animals of gold, resembling
snails.
A large alligator's head of gold.
A bird of green feathers, with feet, beak, and eyes of gold.
Two birds made of thread and feather-work, having the quills of
their wings and tails, their feet, eyes, and the ends of their
beaks, of gold,- standing upon two reeds covered with gold, which
are raised on balls of feather-work and gold embroidery, one white and
the other yellow, with seven tassels of feather-work hanging from
each of them.
A large wheel of silver weighing forty marks, and several
smaller ones of the same metal.
A box of feather-work embroidered on leather, with a large plate
of gold, weighing seventy ounces, in the midst.
Two pieces of cloth woven with feathers; another with variegated
colours; and another worked with black and white figures.
A large wheel of gold, with figures of strange animals on it,
and worked with tufts of leaves; weighing three thousand eight hundred
ounces.
A fan of variegated feather-work, with thirty-seven rods plated
with gold.
Five fans of variegated feathers,- four of which have ten, and the
other thirteen rods, embossed with gold.
Sixteen shields of precious stones, with feathers of various
colours hanging from their rims.
Two pieces of cotton very richly wrought with black and white
embroidery.
Six shields, each covered with a plate of gold, with something
resembling a golden mitre in the centre.

He accompanied this present with a letter to the, emperor, in
which he gave a full account of all that had befallen him since his
departure from Cuba; of his various discoveries, battles, and
traffic with the natives; their conversion to Christianity; his
strange perils and sufferings; many particulars respecting the lands
he had visited, and such as he could collect in regard to the great
Mexican monarchy and its sovereign. He stated his difficulties with
the governor of Cuba, the proceedings of the army in reference to
colonisation, and besought the emperor to confirm their acts, as
well as his own authority, expressing his entire confidence that he
should be able, with the aid of his brave followers, to place the
Castilian crown in possession of this great Indian empire.
This was the celebrated First Letter, as it is called, of
Cortes, which has hitherto eluded every search that has been made
for it in the libraries of Europe. Its existence is fully
established by references to it, both in his own subsequent letters,
and in the writings of contemporaries. Its general purport is given by
his chaplain, Gomara. The importance of the document has doubtless
been much overrated; and, should it ever come to light, it will
probably be found to add little of interest to the matter contained in
the letter from Vera Cruz, which has formed the basis of the preceding
portion of our narrative. He had no sources of information beyond
those open to the authors of the latter document. He was even less
full and frank in his communications, if it be true, that he
suppressed all notice of the discoveries of his two predecessors.
The magistrates of the Villa Rica, in their epistle, went over the
same ground with Cortes; concluding with an emphatic representation of
the misconduct of Velasquez, whose venality, extortion, and selfish
devotion to his personal interests, to the exclusion of those of his
sovereign's as well as of his own followers, they placed in a most
clear and unenviable light. They implored the government not to
sanction his interference with the new colony, which would be fatal to
its welfare, but to commit the undertaking to Hernando Cortes, as
the man most capable, by his experience and conduct, of bringing it to
a glorious termination.
With this letter went also another in the name of the
citizen-soldiers of Villa Rica, tendering their dutiful submission
to the sovereigns, and requesting the confirmation of their
proceedings, above all that of Cortes as their general.
The selection of the agents for the mission was a delicate matter,
as on the result might depend the future fortunes of the colony and
its commander. Cortes intrusted the affair to two cavaliers on whom he
could rely: Francisco de Montejo, the ancient partisan of Velasquez,
and Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero. The latter officer was a near
kinsman of the Count of Medellin, and it was hoped his high
connections might secure a favourable influence at court.
Together with the treasure, which seemed to verify the assertion
that "the land teemed with gold as abundantly as that whence Solomon
drew the same precious metal for his temple," several Indian
manuscripts were sent. Some were of cotton, others of the Mexican
agave. Their unintelligible characters, says a chronicler, excited
little interest in the conquerors. As evidence of intellectual
culture, however, they formed higher objects of interest to a
philosophic mind, than those costly fabrics which attested only the
mechanical ingenuity of the nation. Four Indian slaves were added as
specimens of the natives. They had been rescued from the cages in
which they were confined for sacrifice. One of the best vessels of the
fleet was selected for the voyage, manned by fifteen seamen, and
placed under the direction of the pilot Alaminos. He was directed to
hold his course through the Bahama channel, north of Cuba, or
Fernandina, as it was then called, and on no account to touch at
that island, or any other in the Indian ocean. With these
instructions, the good ship took its departure on the 26th of July,
freighted with the treasures and the good wishes of the community of
the Villa Rica de Vera Cruz.
After a quick run the emissaries made the island of Cuba, and,
in direct disregard of orders, anchored before Marien on the
northern side of the island. This was done to accommodate Montejo, who
wished to visit a plantation owned by him in the neighbourhood.
While off the port, a sailor got on shore, and, crossing the island to
St. Jago, the capital, spread everywhere tidings of the expedition,
until they reached the ears of Velasquez. It was the first
intelligence which had been received of the armament since its
departure; and, as the governor listened to the recital, it would
not be easy to paint the mingled emotions of curiosity,
astonishment, and wrath, which agitated his bosom. In the first
sally of passion, he poured a storm of invective on the heads of his
secretary and treasurer, the friends of Cortes, who had recommended
him as the leader of the expedition. After somewhat relieving
himself in this way, he despatched two fast-sailing vessels to
Marien with orders to seize the rebel ship, and, in case of her
departure, to follow and overtake her.
But before the ships could reach that port, the bird had flown,
and was far on her way across the broad Atlantic. Stung with
mortification at his fresh disappointment, Velasquez wrote letters
of indignant complaint to the government at home, and to the fathers
of St. Jerome, in Hispaniola, demanding redress. He obtained little
satisfaction from the last. He resolved however, to take it into his
own hands, and set about making formidable preparations for another
squadron, which should be more than a match for that under his
rebellious officer. He was indefatigable in his exertions, visiting
every part of the island, and straining all his resources to effect
his purpose. The preparations were on a scale that necessarily
consumed many months.
Meanwhile the little vessel was speeding her prosperous way across
the waters; and, after touching at one of the Azores, came safely into
the harbour of St. Lucar, in the month of October. However long it may
appear in the more perfect nautical science of our day, it was
reckoned a fair voyage for that. Of what befell the commissioners on
their arrival, their reception at court, and the sensation caused by
their intelligence, I defer the account to a future chapter.
Shortly after the departure of the commissioners, an affair
occurred of a most unpleasant nature. A number of persons, with the
priest Juan Diaz at their head, ill-affected, from some cause or
other, towards the administration of Cortes, or not relishing the
hazardous expedition before them, laid a plan to seize one of the
vessels, make the best of their way to Cuba, and report to the
governor the fate of the armament. It was conducted with so much
secrecy, that the party had got their provisions, water, and
everything necessary for the voyage, on board, without detection; when
the conspiracy was betrayed on the very night they were to sail by one
of their own number, who repented the part he had taken in it. The
general caused the persons implicated to be instantly apprehended.
An examination was instituted. The guilt of the parties was placed
beyond a doubt. Sentence of death was passed on two of the
ringleaders; another, the pilot, was condemned to lose his feet, and
several others to be whipped. The priest, probably the most guilty
of the whole, claiming the usual benefit of clergy, was permitted to
escape. One of those condemned to the gallows was named Escudero,
the very alguacil who, the reader may remember, so stealthily
apprehended Cortes before the sanctuary in Cuba. The general, on
signing the death warrants, was heard to exclaim, "Would that I had
never learned to write!"
The arrangements being now fully settled at the Villa Rica, Cortes
sent forward Alvarado, with a large part of the army, to Cempoalla,
where he soon after joined them with the remainder. The late affair of
the conspiracy seems to have made a deep impression on his mind. It
showed him that there were timid spirits in the camp on whom he
could not rely, and who, he feared, might spread the seeds of
disaffection among their companions. Even the more resolute, on any
occasion of disgust or disappointment hereafter, might falter in
purpose, and, getting possession of the vessels, abandon the
enterprise. This was already too vast, and the odds were too
formidable, to authorise expectation of success with diminution of
numbers. Experience showed that this was always to be apprehended,
while means of escape were at hand. The best chance for success was to
cut off these means. He came to the daring resolution to destroy the
fleet, without the knowledge of his army.
When arrived at Cempoalla, he communicated his design to a few
of his devoted adherents, who entered warmly into his views. Through
them he readily persuaded the pilots, by means of those golden
arguments which weigh more than any other with ordinary minds, to make
such a report of the condition of the fleet as suited his purpose. The
ships, they said, were grievously racked by the heavy gales they had
encountered, and, what was worse, the worms had eaten into their sides
and bottoms until most of them were not sea-worthy, and some indeed,
could scarcely now be kept afloat.
Cortes received the communication with surprise; "for he could
well dissemble," observes Las Casas, with his usual friendly
comment, "when it suited his interests." "If it be so," he
exclaimed, "we must make the best of it! Heaven's will be done!" He
then ordered five of the worst-conditioned to be dismantled, their
cordage, sails, iron, and whatever was moveable, to be brought on
shore, and the ships to be sunk. A survey was made of the others, and,
on a similar report, four more were condemned in the same manner. Only
one small vessel remained!
When the intelligence reached the troops in Cempoalla, it caused
the deepest consternation. They saw themselves cut off by a single
blow from friends, family, country! The stoutest hearts quailed before
the prospect of being thus abandoned on a hostile shore, a handful
of men arrayed against a formidable empire. When the news arrived of
the destruction of the five vessels first condemned, they had
acquiesced in it, as a necessary measure, knowing the mischievous
activity of the insects in these tropical seas. But, when this was
followed by the loss of the remaining four, suspicions of the truth
flashed on their minds. They felt they were betrayed. Murmurs, at
first deep, swelled louder and louder, menacing open mutiny. "Their
general," they said, "had led them like cattle to be butchered in
the shambles!" The affair wore a most alarming aspect. In no situation
was Cortes ever exposed to greater danger from his soldiers.
His presence of mind did not desert him at this crisis. He
called his men together, and employing the tones of persuasion
rather than authority, assured them that a survey of the ships
showed they were not fit for service. It he had ordered them to be
destroyed, they should consider, also, that his was the greatest
sacrifice, for they were his property,- all, indeed, he possessed in
the world. The troops on the other hand, would derive one great
advantage from it, by the addition of a hundred able-bodied
recruits, before required to man the vessels. But, even if the fleet
had been saved, it could have been of little service in their
present expedition; since they would not need it if they succeeded,
while they would be too far in the interior to profit by it if they
failed. He besought them to turn their thoughts in another
direction. To be thus calculating chances and means of escape was
unworthy of brave souls. They had set their hands to the work; to look
back, as they advanced, would be their ruin. They had only to resume
their former confidence in themselves and their general, and success
was certain. "As for me," he concluded, "I have chosen my part. I
will remain here, while there is one to bear me company. If there be
any so craven, as to shrink from sharing the dangers of our glorious
enterprise, let them go home, in God's name. There is still one vessel
left. Let them take that and return to Cuba. They can tell there how
they deserted their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait
till we return loaded with the spoils of the Aztecs."
The politic orator had touched the right chord in the bosoms of
the soldiers. As he spoke, their resentment gradually died away. The
faded visions of future riches and glory, rekindled by his eloquence,
again floated before their imaginations. The first shock over, they
felt ashamed of their temporary distrust. The enthusiasm for their
leader revived, for they felt that under his banner only they could
hope for victory; and they testified the revulsion of their feelings
by making the air ring with their shouts, "To Mexico! to Mexico!"
The destruction of his fleet by Cortes is, perhaps, the most
remarkable passage in the life of this remarkable man. History,
indeed, affords examples of a similar expedient in emergencies
somewhat similar; but none where the chances of success were so
precarious, and defeat would be so disastrous. Had he failed, it might
well seem an act of madness. Yet it was the fruit of deliberate
calculation. He had set fortune, fame, life itself, all upon the cast,
and must abide the issue. There was no alternative in his mind but
to succeed or perish. The measure he adopted greatly increased the
chance of success. But to carry it into execution, in the face of an
incensed and desperate soldiery, was an act of resolution that has few
parallels in history.
BOOK III:
March to Mexico

Chapter I [1519]

PROCEEDINGS AT CEMPOALLA- THE SPANIARDS CLIMB THE TABLELAND-
TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES- EMBASSY TO TLASCALA

WHILE at Cempoalla, Cortes received a message from Escalante,
his commander at Villa Rica, informing him there were four strange
ships hovering off the coast, and that they took no notice of his
repeated signals. This intelligence greatly alarmed the general, who
feared they might be a squadron sent by the governor of Cuba to
interfere with his movements. In much haste, he set out at the head of
a few horsemen, and, ordering a party of light infantry to follow,
posted back to Villa Rica. The rest of the army he left in charge of
Alvarado and of Gonzalo de Sandoval, a young officer, who had begun to
give evidence of the uncommon qualities which have secured to him so
distinguished a rank among the conquerors of Mexico.
Escalante would have persuaded the general, on his reaching the
town, to take some rest, and allow him to go in search of the
strangers; but Cortes replied with the homely proverb, "A wounded hare
takes no nap," and, without stopping to refresh himself or his men,
pushed on three or four leagues to the north, where he understood
the ships were at anchor. On the way, he fell in with three Spaniards,
just landed from them. To his eager inquiries whence they came, they
replied that they belonged to a squadron fitted out by Francisco de
Garay, governor of Jamaica. This person, the year previous, had
visited the Florida coast, and obtained from Spain- where he had
some interest at court- authority over the countries he might discover
in that vicinity. The three men, consisting of a notary and two
witnesses, had been sent on shore to warn their countrymen under
Cortes to desist from what was considered an encroachment on the
territories of Garay. Probably neither the governor of Jamaica, nor
his officers, had any very precise notion of the geography and
limits of these territories.
Cortes saw at once there was nothing to apprehend from this
quarter. He would have been glad, however, if he could, by any
means have induced the crews of the ships to join his expedition. He
found no difficulty in persuading the notary and his companions. But
when he came in sight of the vessels, the people on board, distrusting
the good terms on which their comrades appeared to be with the
Spaniards, refused to send their boat ashore. In this dilemma,
Cortes had recourse to a stratagem.
He ordered three of his own men to exchange dresses with the new
comers. He then drew off his little band in sight of the vessels,
affecting to return to the city. In the night, however, he came back
to the same place, and lay in ambush, directing the disguised
Spaniards, when the morning broke, and they could be discerned, to
make signals to those on board. The artifice succeeded. A boat put
off, filled with armed men, and three or four leaped on shore. But
they soon detected the deceit, and Cortes, springing from his
ambush, made them prisoners. Their comrades in the boat, alarmed,
pushed off at once for the vessels, which soon got under weigh,
leaving those on shore to their fate. Thus ended the affair. Cortes
returned to Cempoalla, with the addition of half a dozen able-bodied
recruits, and, what was of more importance, relieved in his own mind
from the apprehension of interference with his operations.
He now made arrangements for his speedy departure from the Totonac
capital. The forces reserved for the expedition amounted to about four
hundred foot and fifteen horse, with seven pieces of artillery. He
obtained, also, thirteen hundred Indian warriors, and a thousand
tamanes, or porters, from the cacique of Cempoalla, to drag the
guns, and transport the baggage. He took forty more of their principal
men as hostages, as well as to guide him on the way, and serve him
by their counsels among the strange tribes he was to visit. They
were of essential service to him throughout the march.
The remainder of his Spanish force he left in garrison at Villa
Rica de Vera Cruz, the command of which he had intrusted to the
alguacil, Juan de Escalante, an officer devoted to his interests.
The selection was judicious. It was important to place there a man who
would resist any hostile interference from his European rivals, on the
one hand, and maintain the present friendly relations with the
natives, on the other. Cortes recommended the Totonac chiefs to
apply to his officer, in case of any difficulty, assuring them that,
so long as they remained faithful to their new sovereign and religion,
they should find a sure protection in the Spaniards.
Before marching, the general spoke a few words of encouragement to
his own men. He told them they were now to embark in earnest, on an
enterprise which had been the great object of their desires; and
that the blessed Saviour would carry them victorious through every
battle with their enemies. "Indeed," he added, "this assurance must be
our stay, for every other refuge is now cut off, but that afforded
by the providence of God, and your own stout hearts." He ended by
comparing their achievements to those of the ancient Romans, "in
phrases of honeyed eloquence far beyond anything I can repeat," says
the brave and simple-hearted Bernal Diaz, who heard them. Cortes
was, indeed, master of that eloquence which went to the soldiers'
hearts. For their sympathies were his, and he shared in that
romantic spirit of adventure which belonged to them. "We are ready
to obey you," they cried as with one voice. "Our fortunes, for
better or worse, are cast with yours." Taking leave, therefore, of
their hospitable Indian friends, the little army, buoyant with high
hopes and lofty plans of conquest, set forward on the march to Mexico,
the sixteenth of August, 1519.
After some leagues of travel over roads made nearly impassable
by the summer rains, the troops began the gradual ascent- more gradual
on the eastern than the western declivities of the Cordilleras-
which leads up to the tableland of Mexico. At the close of the
second day, they reached Xalapa, a place still retaining the same
Aztec name that it has communicated to the drug raised in its
environs, the medicinal virtues of which are now known throughout
the world.* Still winding their way upward, the army passed through
settlements containing some hundreds of inhabitants each, and on the
fourth day reached a "strong town," as Cortes terms it, standing on
a rocky eminence, supposed to be that now known by the Mexican name of
Naulinco. Here they were hospitably entertained by the inhabitants,
who were friends of the Totonacs. Cortes endeavoured, through Father
Olmedo, to impart to them some knowledge of Christian truths, which
were kindly received, and the Spaniards were allowed to erect a
cross in the place, for the future adoration of the natives. Indeed,
the route of the army might be tracked by these emblems of man's
salvation, raised wherever a willing population of Indians invited it.

* Jalap, Convolvulus jalapa. The x and j are convertible consonants
in the Castilian.

The troops now entered a rugged defile, the Bishop's Pass, as it
is called, capable of easy defence against an army. Very soon they
experienced a most unwelcome change of climate. Cold winds from the
mountains, mingled with rain, and, as they rose still higher, with
driving sleet and hail, drenched their garments, and seemed to
penetrate to their very bones. The Spaniards, indeed, partially
covered by their armour and thick jackets of quilted cotton, were
better able to resist the weather, though their long residence in
the sultry regions of the valley made them still keenly sensible to
the annoyance. But the poor Indians, natives of the tierra caliente,
with little protection in the way of covering, sunk under the rude
assault of the elements, and several of them perished on the road.
The aspect of the country was as wild and dreary as the climate.
Their route wound along the spur of the huge Cofre of Perote, which
borrows its name from the coffer-like rock on its summit. It is one of
the great volcanoes of New Spain. It exhibits now, indeed, no
vestige of a crater on its top, but abundant traces of volcanic action
at its base, where acres of lava, blackened scoriae, and cinders,
proclaim the convulsions of nature, while numerous shrubs and
mouldering trunks of enormous trees, among the crevices, attest the
antiquity of these events. Working their toilsome way across this
scene of desolation, the path often led them along the border of
precipices, down whose sheer depths of two or three thousand feet
the shrinking eye might behold another climate, and see all the
glowing vegetation of the tropics choking up the bottom of the
ravines.
After three days of this fatiguing travel, the way-worn army
emerged through another defile, the Sierra del Agua. They soon came
upon an open reach of country, with a genial climate, such as
belongs to the temperate latitudes of southern Europe. They had
reached the level of more than seven thousand feet above the ocean,
where the great sheet of tableland spreads out for hundreds of miles
along the crests of the Cordilleras. The country showed signs of
careful cultivation, but the products were, for the most part, not
familiar to the eyes of the Spaniards. Fields and hedges of the
various tribes of the cactus, the towering organum, and plantations of
aloes with rich yellow clusters of flowers on their tall stems,
affording drink and clothing to the Aztec, were everywhere seen. The
plants of the torrid and temperate zones had disappeared, one after
another, with the ascent into these elevated regions. The glossy and
dark-leaved banana, the chief, as it is the cheapest, aliment of the
countries below, had long since faded from the landscape. The hardy
maize, however, still shone with its golden harvests in all the
pride of cultivation, the great staple of the higher equally with
the lower terraces of the plateau.
Suddenly the troops came upon what seemed the environs of a
populous city, which, as they entered it, appeared to surpass even
that of Cempoalla in the size and solidity of its structures. These
were of stone and lime, many of them spacious and tolerably high.
There were thirteen teocallis in the place; and in the suburbs they
had seen a receptacle, in which, according to Bernal Diaz, were stored
a hundred thousand skulls of human victims, all piled and ranged in
order! He reports the number as one he had ascertained by counting
them himself. Whatever faith we may attach to the precise accuracy
of his figures, the result is almost equally startling. The
Spaniards were destined to become familiar with this appalling
spectacle, as they approached nearer to the Aztec capital.
The lord of the town ruled over twenty thousand vassals. He was
tributary to Montezuma, and a strong Mexican garrison was quartered in
the place. He had probably been advised of the approach of the
Spaniards, and doubted how far it would be welcome to his sovereign.
At all events, he gave them a cold reception, the more unpalatable
after the extraordinary sufferings of the last few days. To the
inquiry of Cortes, whether he were subject to Montezuma, he answered
with real or affected surprise, "Who is there that is not a vassal to
Montezuma?" The general told him, with some emphasis, that he was not.
He then explained whence and why he came, assuring him that he
served a monarch who had princes for his vassals as powerful as the
Aztec monarch himself.
The cacique in turn fell nothing short of the Spaniard in the
pompous display of the grandeur and resources of the Indian emperor.
He told his guest that Montezuma could muster thirty great vassals,
each master of a hundred thousand men! His revenues were immense, as
every subject, however poor, paid something. They were all expended on
his magnificent state, and in support of his armies. These were
continually in the field, while garrisons were maintained in most of
the large cities of the empire. More than twenty thousand victims, the
fruit of his wars, were annually sacrificed on the altars of his gods!
His capital, the cacique said, stood in a lake in the centre of a
spacious valley. The lake was commanded by the emperor's vessels,
and the approach to the city was by means of causeways, several
miles long, connected in parts by wooden bridges, which, when
raised, cut off all communication with the country. Some other
things he added, in answer to queries of his guest, in which as the
reader may imagine, the crafty or credulous cacique varnished over the
truth with a lively colouring of romance. Whether romance or
reality, the Spaniards could not determine. The particulars they
gleaned were not of a kind to tranquillise their minds, and might well
have made bolder hearts than theirs pause, ere they advanced. But
far from it. "The words which we heard," says the stout old
cavalier, so often quoted, "however they may have filled us with
wonder, made us- such is the temper of the Spaniard- only the more
earnest to prove the adventure, desperate as it might appear."
In a further conversation Cortes inquired of the chief whether his
country abounded in gold, and intimated a desire to take home some, as
specimens to his sovereign. But the Indian lord declined to give him
any, saying it might displease Montezuma. "Should he command it," he
added, "My gold, my person, and all I possess, shall be at your
disposal." The general did not press the matter further.
The curiosity of the natives was naturally excited by the
strange dresses, weapons, horses, and dogs of the Spaniards. Marina,
in satisfying their inquiries, took occasion to magnify the prowess of
her adopted countrymen, expatiating on their exploits and victories,
and stating the extraordinary marks of respect they had received
from Montezuma. This intelligence seems to have had its effect; for
soon after, the cacique gave the general some curious trinkets of
gold, of no great value, indeed, but as a testimony of his good
will. He sent him, also, some female slaves to prepare bread for the
troops, and supplied the means of refreshment and repose, more
important to them, in the present juncture, than all the gold of
Mexico.
The Spanish general, as usual, did not neglect the occasion to
inculcate the great truths of revelation on his host, and to display
the atrocity of the Indian superstitions. The cacique listened with
civil, but cold indifference. Cortes, finding him unmoved, turned
briskly round to his soldiers, exclaiming that now was the time to
Plant the Cross! They eagerly seconded his pious purpose, and the same
scenes might have been enacted as at Cempoalla, with, perhaps, very
different results, had not Father Olmedo, with better judgment,
interposed. He represented that to introduce the Cross among the
natives, in their present state of ignorance and incredulity, would be
to expose the sacred symbol to desecration, so soon as the backs of
the Spaniards were turned. The only way was to wait patiently the
season when more leisure should be afforded to instil into their minds
a knowledge of the truth. The sober reasoning of the good father
prevailed over the passions of the martial enthusiasts.
The Spanish commander remained in the city four or five days to
recruit his fatigued and famished forces. Their route now opened on
a broad and verdant valley, watered by a noble stream,- a circumstance
of not too frequent occurrence on the parched tableland of New
Spain. All along the river, on both sides of it, an unbroken line of
Indian dwellings, "so near as almost to touch one another," extended
for three or four leagues; arguing a population much denser than at
present. On a rough and rising ground stood a town, that might contain
five or six thousand inhabitants, commanded by a fortress, which, with
its walls and trenches, seemed to the Spaniards quite "on a level
with similar works in Europe." Here the troops again halted, and met
with friendly treatment.
Cortes now determined his future line of march. At the last
place he had been counselled by the natives to take the route of the
ancient city of Cholula, the inhabitants of which, subjects of
Montezuma, were a mild race, devoted to mechanical and other
peaceful arts, and would be likely to entertain him kindly. Their
Cempoalla allies, however, advised the Spaniards not to trust the
Cholulans, "a false and perfidious people," but to take the road to
Tlascala, that valiant little republic which had so long maintained
its independence against the arms of Mexico. The people were frank
as they were fearless, and fair in their dealings. They had always
been on terms of amity with the Totonacs, which afforded a strong
guarantee for their amicable disposition on the present occasion.
The arguments of his Indian allies prevailed with the Spanish
commander, who resolved to propitiate the good will of the
Tlascalans by an embassy. He selected four of the principal
Cempoallans for this, and sent by them a martial gift,- a cap of
crimson cloth, together with a sword and a crossbow, weapons which, it
was observed, excited general admiration among the natives. He added a
letter, in which he asked permission to pass through their country. He
expressed his admiration of the valour of the Tlascalans, and of their
long resistance to the Aztecs, whose proud empire he designed to
humble. It was not to be expected that this epistle, indited in good
Castilian, would be very intelligible to the Tlascalans. But Cortes
communicated its import to the ambassadors. It mysterious characters
might impress the natives with an idea of superior intelligence, and
the letters serve instead of those hieroglyphical missives which
formed the usual credentials of an Indian ambassador.
The Spaniards remained three days in this hospitable place,
after the departure of the envoys, when they resumed their progress.
Although in a friendly country, they marched always as if in a land of
enemies, the horse and light troops in the van, with the heavy-armed
and baggage in the rear, all in battle array. They were never
without their armour, waking or sleeping, lying down with their
weapons by their sides. This unintermitting and restless vigilance
was, perhaps, more oppressive to the spirits than even bodily fatigue.
But they were confident in their superiority in a fair field, and felt
that the most serious danger they had to fear from Indian warfare
was surprise. "We are few against many, brave companions," Cortes
would say to them; "be prepared, then, not as if you were going to
battle, but as if actually in the midst of it!"
The road taken by the Spaniards was the same which at present
leads to Tlascala; not that, however, usually followed in passing from
Vera Cruz to the capital, which makes a circuit considerably to the
south, towards Puebla, in the neighbourhood of the ancient Cholula.
They more than once forded the stream that rolls through this
beautiful plain, lingering several days on the way, in hopes of
receiving an answer from the Indian republic. The unexpected delay
of the messengers could not be explained and occasioned some
uneasiness.
As they advanced into a country of rougher and bolder features,
their progress was suddenly arrested by a remarkable fortification. It
was a stone wall nine feet in height, and twenty in thickness, with
a parapet a foot and a half broad, raised on the summit for the
protection of those who defended it. It had only one opening, in the
centre, made by two semicircular lines of wall, overlapping each other
for the space of forty paces, and affording a passageway between,
ten paces wide, so contrived, therefore, as to be perfectly
commanded by the inner wall. This fortification, which extended more
than two leagues, rested at either end on the bold natural
buttresses formed by the sierra. The work was built of immense
blocks of stones nicely laid together without cement; and the
remains still existing, among which are rocks of the whole breadth
of the rampart, fully attest its solidity and size.
This singular structure marked the limits of Tlascala, and was
intended, as the natives told the Spaniards, as a barrier against
the Mexican invasions. The army paused, filled with amazement at the
contemplation of this Cyclopean monument, which naturally suggested
reflections on the strength and resources of the people who had raised
it. It caused them, too, some painful solicitude as to the probable
result of their mission to Tlascala, and their own consequent
reception there. But they were too sanguine to allow such
uncomfortable surmises long to dwell in their minds. Cortes put
himself at the head of his cavalry, and calling out, "Forward,
soldiers, the Holy Cross is our banner, and under that we shall
conquer," led his little army through the undefended passage, and in a
few moments they trod the soil of the free republic of Tlascala.
Chapter II [1519]

REPUBLIC OF TLASCALA- ITS INSTITUTIONS- ITS EARLY HISTORY-
THE DISCUSSIONS IN THE SENATE- DESPERATE BATTLES

BEFORE advancing further with the Spaniards into the territory
of Tlascala, it will be well to notice some traits in the character
and institutions of the nation, in many respects the most remarkable
in Anahuac. The Tlascalans belonged to the same great family with
the Aztecs. They came on the grand plateau about the same time with
the kindred races, at the close of the twelfth century, and planted
themselves on the western borders of the lake of Tezcuco. Here they
remained many years engaged in the usual pursuits of a bold and
partially civilised people. From some cause or other, perhaps their
turbulent temper, they incurred the enmity of surrounding tribes. A
coalition was formed against them; and a bloody battle was fought on
the plains of Poyauhtlan, in which the Tlascalans were completely
victorious.
Disgusted, however, with residence among nations with whom they
found so little favour, the conquering people resolved to migrate.
They separated into three divisions, the largest of which, taking a
southern course by the great volcan of Mexico, wound round the ancient
city of Cholula, and finally settled in the district of country
overshadowed by the sierra of Tlascala. The warm and fruitful
valleys locked up in the embraces of this rugged brotherhood of
mountains, afforded means of subsistence for an agricultural people,
while the bold eminences of the sierra presented secure positions
for their towns.
After the lapse of years, the institutions of the nation underwent
an important change. The monarchy was divided first into two,
afterwards into four separate states, bound together by a sort of
federal compact, probably not very nicely defined. Each state,
however, had its lord or supreme chief, independent in his own
territories, and possessed of co-ordinate authority with the others in
all matters concerning the whole republic. The affairs of
government, especially all those relating to peace and war, were
settled in a senate or council, consisting of the four lords with
their inferior nobles.
The lower dignitaries held of the superior, each in his own
district, by a kind of feudal tenure, being bound to supply his table,
and enable him to maintain his state in peace, as well as to serve him
in war. In return he experienced the aid and protection of his
suzerain. The same mutual obligations existed between him and the
followers among whom his own territories were distributed. Thus a
chain of feudal dependencies was established, which, if not
contrived with all the art and legal refinements of analogous
institutions in the Old World, displayed their most prominent
characteristics in its personal relations, the obligations of military
service on the one hand, and protection on the other. This form of
government, so different from that of the surrounding nations,
subsisted till the arrival of the Spaniards. And it is certainly
evidence of considerable civilisation, that so complex a polity should
have so long continued undisturbed by violence or faction in the
confederate states, and should have been found competent to protect
the people in their rights, and the country from foreign invasion.
The lowest order of the people, however, do not seem to have
enjoyed higher immunities than under the monarchical governments;
and their rank was carefully defined by an appropriate dress, and by
their exclusion from the insignia of the aristocratic orders.
The nation, agricultural in its habits, reserved its highest
honours, like most other rude-unhappily also, civilised-nations, for
military prowess. Public games were instituted, and prizes decreed
to those who excelled in such manly and athletic exercises as might
train them for the fatigues of war. Triumphs were granted to the
victorious general, who entered the city, leading his spoils and
captives in long procession, while his achievements were
commemorated in national songs, and his effigy, whether in wood or
stone, was erected in the temples. It was truly in the martial
spirit of republican Rome.
An institution not unlike knighthood was introduced, very
similar to one existing also among the Aztecs. The aspirant to the
honours of this barbaric chivalry watched his arms and fasted fifty or
sixty days in the temple, then listened to a grave discourse on the
duties of his new profession. Various whimsical ceremonies followed,
when his arms were restored to him; he was led in solemn procession
through the public streets, and the inauguration was concluded by
banquets and public rejoicings. The new knight was distinguished
henceforth by certain peculiar privileges, as well as by a badge
intimating his rank. It is worthy of remark, that this honour was
not reserved exclusively for military merit; but was the recompense,
also, of public services of other kinds, as wisdom in council, or
sagacity and success in trade. For trade was held in as high
estimation by the Tlascalans as by the other people of Anahuac.
The temperate climate of the tableland furnished the ready means
for distant traffic. The fruitfulness of the soil was indicated by the
name of the country,- Tlascala signifying the "land of bread." Its
wide plains, to the slopes of its rocky hills, waved with yellow
harvests of maize, and with the bountiful maguey, a plant which, as we
have seen, supplied the materials for some important fabrics. With
these, as well as the products of agricultural industry, the
merchant found his way down the sides of the Cordilleras, wandered
over the sunny regions at their base, and brought back the luxuries
which nature had denied to his own.
The various arts of civilisation kept pace with increasing
wealth and public prosperity; at least these arts were cultivated to
the same limited extent, apparently, as among the other people of
Anahuac. The Tlascalan tongue, says the national historian, simple
as beseemed that of a mountain region, was rough compared with the
polished Tezcucan, or the popular Aztec dialect, and, therefore, not
so well fitted for composition. But they made like proficiency with
the kindred nations in the rudiments of science. Their calendar was
formed on the same plan. Their religion, their architecture, many of
their laws and social usages were the same, arguing a common origin
for all. Their tutelary deity was the same ferocious war-god as that
of the Aztecs, though with a different name; their temples, in like
manner, were drenched with the blood of human victims, and their
boards groaned with the same cannibal repasts.
Though not ambitious of foreign conquest, the prosperity of the
Tlascalans, in time, excited the jealousy of their neighbours, and
especially of the opulent state of Cholula. Frequent hostilities arose
between them, in which the advantage was almost always on the side
of the former. A still more formidable foe appeared in later days in
the Aztecs; who could ill brook the independence of Tlascala, when the
surrounding nations had acknowledged, one after another, their
influence or their empire. Under the ambitious Axayacatl, they
demanded of the Tlascalans the same tribute and obedience rendered
by other people of the country. If it were refused, the Aztecs would
raze their cities to their foundations, and deliver the land to
their enemies.
To this imperious summons, the little republic proudly replied,
"Neither they nor their ancestors had ever paid tribute or homage to a
foreign power, and never would pay it. If their country was invaded,
they knew how to defend it, and would pour out their blood as freely
in defence of their freedom now, as their fathers did of yore, when
they routed the Aztecs on the plains of Poyauhtlan!"
This resolute answer brought on them the forces of the monarchy. A
pitched battle followed, and the sturdy republicans were victorious.
From this period hostilities between the two nations continued with
more or less activity, but with unsparing ferocity. Every captive
was mercilessly sacrificed. The children were trained from the
cradle to deadly hatred against the Mexicans; and, even in the brief
intervals of war, none of those intermarriages took place between
the people of the respective countries which knit together in social
bonds most of the other kindred races of Anahuac.
In this struggle, the Tlascalans received an important support
in the accession of the Othomis, or Otomies,- as usually spelt by
Castilian writers,- a wild and warlike race originally spread over the
tableland north of the Mexican valley. A portion of them obtained a
settlement in the republic, and were speedily incorporated in its
armies. Their courage and fidelity to the nation of their adoption
showed them worthy of trust, and the frontier places were consigned to
their keeping. The mountain barriers, by which Tlascala is
encompassed, afforded many strong natural positions for defence
against invasion. The country was open towards the east, where a
valley, of some six miles in breadth, invited the approach of an
enemy. But here it was, that the jealous Tlascalans erected the
formidable rampart which had excited the admiration of the
Spaniards, and which they manned with a garrison of Otomies.
Efforts for their subjugation were renewed on a greater scale,
after the accession of Montezuma. His victorious arms had spread
down the declivities of the Andes to the distant provinces of Vera Paz
and Nicaragua, and his haughty spirit was chafed by the opposition
of a petty state, whose territorial extent did not exceed ten
leagues in breadth by fifteen in length. He sent an army against
them under the command of a favourite son. His troops were beaten
and his son was slain. The enraged and mortified monarch was roused to
still greater preparations. He enlisted the forces of the cities
bordering on his enemy, together with those of the empire, and with
this formidable army swept over the devoted valleys of Tlascala. But
the bold mountaineers withdrew into the recesses of their hills,
and, coolly awaiting their opportunity, rushed like a torrent on the
invaders, and drove them back, with dreadful slaughter, from their
territories.
Still, notwithstanding the advantages gained over the enemy in the
field, the Tlascalans were sorely pressed by their long hostilities
with a foe so far superior to themselves in numbers and resources. The
Aztec armies lay between them and the coast, cutting off all
communication with that prolific region, and thus limited their
supplies to the products of their own soil and manufacture. For more
than half a century they had neither cotton, nor cacao, nor salt.
Indeed, their taste had been so far affected by long abstinence from
these articles, that it required the lapse of several generations
after the Conquest to reconcile them to the use of salt at their
meals. During the short intervals of war, it is said, the Aztec
nobles, in the true spirit of chivalry, sent supplies of these
commodities as presents, with many courteous expressions of respect,
to the Tlascalan chiefs. This intercourse, we are assured by the
Indian chronicler, was unsuspected by the people. Nor did it lead to
any further correspondence, he adds, between the parties,
prejudicial to the liberties of the republic, "which maintained its
customs and good government inviolate, and the worship of its gods."
Such was the condition of Tlascala, at the coming of the
Spaniards; holding, it might seem, a precarious existence under the
shadow of the formidable power which seemed suspended like an
avalanche over her head, but still strong in her own resources,
stronger in the indomitable temper of her people; with a reputation
established throughout the land for good faith and moderation in
peace, for valour in war, while her uncompromising spirit of
independence secured the respect even of her enemies. With such
qualities of character, and with an animosity sharpened by long,
deadly hostility with Mexico, her alliance was obviously of the last
importance to the Spaniards, in their present enterprise. It was not
easy to secure it.
The Tlascalans had been made acquainted with the advance and
victorious career of the Christians, the intelligence of which had
spread far and wide over the plateau. But they do not seem to have
anticipated the approach of the strangers to their own borders. They
were now much embarrassed by the embassy demanding a passage through
their territories. The great council was convened, and a
considerable difference of opinion prevailed in its members. Some,
adopting the popular superstition, supposed the Spaniards might be the
white and bearded men foretold by the oracles. At all events, they
were the enemies of Mexico, and as such might co-operate with them
in their struggle with the empire. Others argued that the strangers
could have nothing in common with them. Their march throughout the
land might be tracked by the broken images of the Indian gods, and
desecrated temples. How did the Tlascalans even know that they were
foes to Montezuma? They had received his embassies, accepted his
presents, and were now in the company of his vassals on the way to his
capital.
These last were the reflections of an aged chief, one of the
four who presided over the republic. His name was Xicontecatl. He
was nearly blind, having lived, as is said, far beyond the limits of a
century. His son, an impetuous young man of the same name with
himself, commanded a powerful army of Tlascalan and Otomie warriors,
near the eastern frontier. It would be best, the old man said, to fall
with this force at once on the Spaniards. If victorious, the latter
would then be in their power. If defeated, the senate could disown the
act as that of the general, not of the republic. The cunning counsel
of the chief found favour with his hearers, though assuredly not in
the spirit of chivalry, nor of the good faith for which his countrymen
were celebrated. But with an Indian, force and stratagem, courage
and deceit, were equally admissible in war, as they were among the
barbarians of ancient Rome.- The Cempoallan envoys were to be detained
under pretence of assisting at a religious sacrifice.
Meanwhile, Cortes and his gallant band, as stated in the preceding
chapter, had arrived before the rocky rampart on the eastern
confines of Tlascala. From some cause or other, it was not manned by
its Otomie garrison, and the Spaniards passed in, as we have seen,
without resistance. Cortes rode at the head of his body of horse, and,
ordering the infantry to come on at a quick pace, went forward to
reconnoitre. After advancing three or four leagues, he descried a
small party of Indians, armed with sword and buckler, in the fashion
of the country. They fled at his approach. He made signs for them to
halt, but, seeing that they only fled the faster, he and his
companions put spurs to their horses, and soon came up with them.
The Indians, finding escape impossible, faced round, and, instead of
showing the accustomed terror of the natives at the strange and
appalling aspect of a mounted trooper, they commenced a furious
assault on the cavaliers. The latter, however, were too strong for
them, and would have cut their enemy to pieces without much
difficulty, when a body of several thousand Indians appeared in sight,
and coming briskly on to the support of their countrymen.
Cortes, seeing them, despatched one of his party, in all haste, to
accelerate the march of his infantry. The Indians, after discharging
their missiles, fell furiously on the little band of Spaniards. They
strove to tear the lances from their grasp, and to drag the riders
from the horses. They brought one cavalier to the ground, who
afterwards died of his wounds, and they killed two of the horses,
cutting through their necks with their stout broadswords- if we may
believe the chronicler- at a blow. In the narrative of these
campaigns, there is sometimes but one step- and that a short one- from
history lo romance. The loss of the horses, so important and so few in
number, was seriously felt by Cortes, who could have better spared the
life of the best rider in the troop.
The struggle was a hard one. But the odds were as overwhelming
as any recorded by the Spaniards in their own romances, where a
handful of knights is arrayed against legions of enemies. The lances
of the Christians did terrible execution here also; but they had
need of the magic lance of Astolpho, that overturned myriads with a
touch, to carry them safe through so unequal a contest. It was with no
little satisfaction, therefore, that they beheld their comrades
rapidly advancing to their support.
No sooner had the main body reached the field of battle, than,
hastily forming, they poured such a volley from their muskets and
crossbows as staggered the enemy. Astounded, rather than
intimidated, by the terrible report of the firearms, now heard for the
first time in these regions, the Indians made no further effort to
continue the fight, but drew off in good order, leaving the road
open to the Spaniards. The latter, too well satisfied to be rid of the
annoyance, to care to follow the retreating foe, again held on their
way.
Their route took them through a country sprinkled over with Indian
cottages, amidst flourishing fields of maize and maguey, indicating an
industrious and thriving peasantry. They were met here by two
Tlascalans envoys, accompanied by two of the Cempoallans. The
former, presenting themselves before the general, disavowed the
assault on his troops as an unauthorised act, and assured him of a
friendly reception at their capital. Cortes received the communication
in a courteous manner, affecting to place more confidence in its
good faith than he probably felt.
It was now growing late, and the Spaniards quickened their
march, anxious to reach a favourable ground for encampment before
nightfall. They found such a spot on the borders of a stream that
rolled sluggishly across the plain. A few deserted cottages stood
along the banks, and the fatigued and famished soldiers ransacked them
in quest of food. All they could find was some tame animals resembling
dogs. These they killed and dressed without ceremony, and,
garnishing their unsavoury repast with the fruit of the tuna, the
Indian fig, which grew wild in the neighbourhood, they contrived to
satisfy the cravings of appetite. A careful watch was maintained by
Cortes, and companies of a hundred men each relieved each other in
mounting guard through the night. But no attack was made.
Hostilities by night were contrary to the system of Indian tactics.
By break of day on the following morning, it being the 2nd of
September, the troops were under arms. Besides the Spaniards, the
whole number of Indian auxiliaries might now amount to three thousand;
for Cortes had gathered recruits from the friendly places on his
route; three hundred from the last. After hearing mass, they resumed
their march. They moved in close array; the general had previously
admonished the men not to lag behind, or wander from the ranks a
moment, as stragglers would be sure to be cut off by their stealthy
and vigilant enemy. The horsemen rode three abreast, the better to
give one another support; and Cortes instructed them in the heat of
fight to keep together, and never to charge singly. He taught them how
to carry their lances, that they might not be wrested from their hands
by the Indians, who constantly attempted it. For the same reason
they should avoid giving thrusts, but aim their weapons steadily at
the faces of their foes.
They had not proceeded far, when they were met by the two
remaining Cempoallan envoys, who with looks of terror informed the
general, that they had been treacherously seized and confined, in
order to be sacrificed at an approaching festival of the Tlascalans,
but in the night had succeeded in making their escape. They gave the
unwelcome tidings, also, that a large force of the natives was already
assembled to oppose the progress of the Spaniards.
Soon after, they came in sight of a body of Indians, about a
thousand, apparently all armed and brandishing their weapons, as the
Christians approached, in token of defiance. Cortes, when he had
come within hearing, ordered the interpreters to proclaim that he
had no hostile intentions; but wished only to be allowed a passage
through their country, which he had entered as a friend. This
declaration he commanded the royal notary, Godoy, to record on the
spot, that, if blood were shed, it might not be charged on the
Spaniards. This pacific proclamation was met, as usual on such
occasions, by a shower of darts, stones, and arrows, which fell like
rain on the Spaniards, rattling on their stout harness, and in some
instances penetrating to the skin. Galled by the smart of their
wounds, they called on the general to lead them on, till he sounded
the well-known battle-cry, "St. Jago, and at them!"
The Indians maintained their ground for a while with spirit,
when they retreated with precipitation, but not in disorder. The
Spaniards, whose blood was heated by the encounter, followed up
their advantage with more zeal than prudence, suffering the wily enemy
to draw them into a narrow glen or defile, intersected by a little
stream of water, where the broken ground was impracticable for
artillery, as well as for the movements of cavalry. Pressing forward
with eagerness, to extricate themselves from their perilous
position, to their great dismay, on turning an abrupt angle of the
pass, they came in presence of a numerous army choking up the gorge of
the valley, and stretching far over the plains beyond. To the
astonished eyes of Cortes, they appeared a hundred thousand men, while
no account estimates them at less than thirty thousand.*

* As this was only one of several armies kept on foot by the
Tlascalans, the smallest amount is, probably, too large. The whole
population of the state, according to Clavigero, who would not be
likely to underrate it, did not exceed half a million at the time of
the invasion.

They presented a confused assemblage of helmets, weapons, and
many-coloured plumes, glancing bright in the morning sun, and
mingled with banners, above which proudly floated one that bore as a
device the heron on a rock. It was the well-known ensign of the
house of Titcala, and, as well as the white and yellow stripes on
the bodies, and the like colours on the feather-mail of the Indians,
showed that they were the warriors of Xicotencatl.
As the Spaniards came in sight, the Tlascalans set up a hideous
war-cry, or rather whistle, piercing the ear with its shrillness,
and which, with the beat of their melancholy drums, that could be
heard for half a league or more, might well have filled the stoutest
heart with dismay. This formidable host came rolling on towards the
Christians, as if to overwhelm them by their very numbers. But the
courageous band of warriors, closely serried together and sheltered
under their strong panoplies, received the shock unshaken, while the
broken masses of the enemy, chafing and heaving tumultuously around
them, seemed to recede only to return with new and accumulated force.
Cortes, as usual, in the front of danger, in vain endeavoured,
at the head of the horse, to open a passage for the infantry. Still
his men, both cavalry and foot, kept their array unbroken, offering no
assailable point to their foe. A body of the Tlascalans, however,
acting in concert, assaulted a soldier named Moran, one of the best
riders in the troop. They succeeded in dragging him from his horse,
which they despatched with a thousand blows. The Spaniards, on foot,
made a desperate effort to rescue their comrade from the hands of
the enemy,- and from the horrible doom of the captive. A fierce
struggle now began over the body of the prostrate horse. Ten of the
Spaniards were wounded, when they succeeded in retrieving the
unfortunate cavalier from his assailants, but in so disastrous a
plight that he died on the following day. The horse was borne off in
triumph by the Indians, and his mangled remains were sent, a strange
trophy, to the different towns of Tlascala. The circumstance
troubled the Spanish commander, as it divested the animal of the
supernatural terrors with which the superstition of the natives had
usually surrounded it. To prevent such a consequence, he had caused
the two horses, killed on the preceding day, to be secretly buried
on the spot.
The enemy now began to give ground gradually, borne down by the
riders, and trampled under the hoofs of their horses. Through the
whole of this sharp encounter, the Indian allies were of great service
to the Spaniards. They rushed into the water, and grappled their
enemies, with the desperation of men who felt that "their only
safety was in the despair of safety." "I see nothing but death for
us," exclaimed a Cempoallan chief to Marina; "we shall never get
through the pass alive." "The God of the Christians is with us,"
answered the intrepid woman; "and He will carry us safely through."
Amidst the din of battle the voice of Cortes was heard, cheering
on his soldiers. "If we fail now," he cried, "the cross of Christ
can never be planted in the land. Forward, comrades! When was it
ever known that a Castilian turned his back on a foe?" Animated by the
words and heroic bearing of their general, the soldiers, with
desperate efforts, at length succeeded in forcing a passage through
the dark columns of the enemy, and emerged from the defile on the open
plain beyond.
Here they quickly recovered their confidence with their
superiority. The horse soon opened a space for the manoeuvres of
artillery. The close files of their antagonists presented a sure mark;
and the thunders of the ordnance vomiting forth torrents of fire and
sulphurous smoke, the wide desolation caused in their ranks, and the
strangely mangled carcasses of the slain, filled the barbarians with
consternation and horror. They had no weapons to cope with these
terrible engines, and their clumsy missiles, discharged from uncertain
hands, seemed to fall ineffectual on the charmed heads of the
Christians. What added to their embarrassment was, the desire to carry
off the dead and wounded from the field, a general practice among
the people of Anahuac, but which necessarily exposed them, while
thus employed, to still greater loss.
Eight of their principal chiefs had now fallen; and Xicotencatl,
finding himself wholly unable to make head against the Spaniards in
the open field, ordered a retreat. Far from the confusion of a
panic-struck mob, so common among barbarians, the Tlascalan force
moved off the ground with all the order of a well-disciplined army.
Cortes, as on the preceding day, was too well satisfied with his
present advantage to desire to follow it up. It was within an hour
of sunset, and he was anxious before nightfall to secure a good
position, where he might refresh his wounded troops, and bivouac for
the night.
Gathering up his wounded, he held on his way, without loss of
time; and before dusk reached a rocky eminence, called Tzompachtepetl,
or "the hill of Tzompach," crowned by a sort of tower or temple. His
first care was given to the wounded, both men and horses. Fortunately,
an abundance of provisions was found in some neighbouring cottages;
and the soldiers, at least all who were not disabled by their
injuries, celebrated the victory of the day with feasting and
rejoicing.
As to the number of killed or wounded on either side, it is matter
of loosest conjecture. The Indians must have suffered severely, but
the practice of carrying off the dead from the field made it
impossible to know to what extent. The injury sustained by the
Spaniards appears to have been principally in the number of their
wounded. The great object of the natives of Anahuac in their battles
was to make prisoners, who might grace their triumphs, and supply
victims for sacrifice. To this brutal superstition the Christians were
indebted, in no slight degree, for their personal preservation. To
take the reports of the Conquerors, their own losses in action were
always inconsiderable. But whoever has had occasion to consult the
ancient chroniclers of Spain in relation to its wars with the infidel,
whether Arab or American, will place little confidence in numbers.*

* According to Cortes not a Spaniard fell- though many were
wounded- in this action so fatal to the infidel! Diaz allows one.

The events of the day had suggested many topics for painful
reflection to Cortes. He had nowhere met with so determined a
resistance within the borders of Anahuac; nowhere had he encountered
native troops so formidable for their, weapons, their discipline,
and their valour. Far from manifesting the superstitious terrors
felt by the other Indians at the strange arms and aspect of the
Spaniards, the Tlascalans had boldly grappled with their enemy, and
only yielded to the inevitable superiority of his military science.
How important would the alliance of such a nation be in a struggle
with those of their own race- for example, with the Aztecs! But how
was he to secure this alliance? Hitherto, all overtures had been
rejected with disdain; and it seemed probable, that every step of
his progress in this populous land was to be fiercely contested. His
army, especially the Indians, celebrated the events of the day with
feasting and dancing, songs of merriment, and shouts of triumph.
Cortes encouraged it, well knowing how important it was to keep up the
spirits of his soldiers. But the sounds of revelry at length died
away; and in the still watches of the night, many an anxious thought
must have crowded on the mind of the general, while his little army
lay buried in slumber in its encampment around the Indian hill.
Chapter III [1519]

DECISIVE VICTORY- INDIAN COUNCIL- NIGHT ATTACK-
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ENEMY- TLASCALAN HERO

THE Spaniards were allowed to repose undisturbed the following
day, and to recruit their strength after the fatigue and hard fighting
on the preceding. They found sufficient employment, however, in
repairing and cleaning their weapons, replenishing their diminished
stock of arrows, and getting everything in order for further
hostilities, should the severe lesson they had inflicted on the
enemy prove insufficient to discourage him. On the second day, as
Cortes received no overtures from the Tlascalans, he determined to
send an embassy to their camp, proposing a cessation of hostilities,
and expressing his intention to visit their capital as a friend. He
selected two of the principal chiefs taken in the late engagement as
the bearers of the message.
Meanwhile, averse to leaving his men longer in a dangerous state
of inaction, which the enemy might interpret as the result of timidity
or exhaustion, he put himself at the head of the cavalry and such
light troops as were most fit for service, and made a foray into the
neighbouring country. It was a montainous region, formed by a.
ramification of the great sierra of Tlascala, with verdant slopes
and valleys teeming with maize and plantations of maguey, while the
eminences were crowned with populous towns and villages. In one of
these, he tells us, he found three thousand dwellings. In some
places he met with a resolute resistance, and on these occasions
took ample vengeance by laying the country waste with fire and
sword. After a successful inroad he returned laden with forage and
provisions, and driving before him several hundred Indian captives. He
treated them kindly, however, when arrived in camp, endeavouring to
make them understand that these acts of violence were not dictated
by his own wishes, but by the unfriendly policy of their countrymen.
In this way he hoped to impress the nation with the conviction of
his power on the one hand, and of his amicable intentions, if met by
them in the like spirit, on the other.
On reaching his quarters, he found the two envoys returned from
the Tlascalan camp. They had fallen in with Xicotencatl at about two
leagues' distance, where he lay encamped with a powerful force. The
cacique gave them audience at the head of his troops. He told them
to return with the answer, "That the Spaniards might pass on as soon
as they chose to Tlascala; and, when they reached it, their flesh
would be hewn from their bodies, for sacrifice to the gods! If they
preferred to remain in their own quarters, he would pay them a visit
there the next day." The ambassadors added, that the chief had an
immense force with him, consisting of five battalions of ten
thousand men each. They were the flower of the Tlascalan and Otomie
warriors, assembled under the banners of their respective leaders,
by command of the senate, who were resolved to try the fortunes of the
state in a pitched battle, and strike one decisive blow for the
extermination of the invaders.
This bold defiance fell heavily on the ears of the Spaniards,
not prepared for so pertinacious a spirit in their enemy. They had had
ample proof of his courage and formidable prowess. They were now, in
their crippled condition, to encounter him with a still more
terrible array of numbers. The war, too, from the horrible fate with
which it menaced the vanquished, wore a peculiarly gloomy aspect
that pressed heavily on their spirits. "We feared death," says the
lion-hearted Diaz, with his usual simplicity, "for we were men." There
was scarcely one in the army that did not confess himself that night
to the reverend Father Olmedo, who was occupied nearly the whole of it
with administering absolution, and with the other solemn offices of
the Church. Armed with the blessed sacraments, the Catholic soldier
lay tranquilly down to rest, prepared for any fate that might betide
him under the banner of the Cross.
As a battle was now inevitable, Cortes resolved to march out and
meet the enemy in the field. This would have a show of confidence,
that might serve the double purpose of intimidating the Tlascalans,
and inspiriting his own men, whose enthusiasm might lose somewhat of
its heat, if compelled to await the assault of their antagonists,
inactive in their own intrenchments. The sun rose bright on the
following morning, the 5th of September, 1519, an eventful day in
the history of Spanish Conquest. The general reviewed his army, and
gave them, preparatory to marching, a few words of encouragement and
advice. The infantry he instructed to rely on the point rather than
the edge of their swords, and to endeavour to thrust their opponents
through the body. The horsemen were to charge at half speed, with
their lances aimed at the eyes of the Indians. The artillery the
arquebusiers, and crossbowmen, were to support one another, some
loading while others discharged their pieces, that there should be
an unintermitted firing kept up through the action. Above all, they
were to maintain their ranks close and unbroken, as on this depended
their preservation.
They had not advanced a quarter of a league, when they came in
sight of the Tlascalan army. Its dense array stretched far and wide
over a vast plain or meadow ground, about six miles square. Its
appearance justified the report which had been given of its numbers.
Nothing could be more picturesque than the aspect of these Indian
battalions, with the naked bodies of the common soldiers gaudily
painted, the fantastic helmets of the chiefs glittering with gold
and precious stones, and the glowing panoplies of feather-work which
decorated their persons. Innumerable spears and darts tipped with
points of transparent itztli or fiery copper, sparkled bright in the
morning sun, like the phosphoric gleams playing on the surface of a
troubled sea, while the rear of the mighty host was dark with the
shadows of banners, on which were emblazoned the armorial bearings
of the great Tlascalan and Otomie chieftains. Among these, the white
heron on the rock, the cognisance of the house of Xicotencatl, was
conspicuous, and, still more, the golden eagle with outspread wings,
in the fashion of a Roman signum, richly ornamented with emeralds
and silver work, the great standard of the republic of Tlascala.
The common file wore no covering except a girdle round the
loins. Their bodies were painted with the appropriate colours of the
chieftain whose banner they followed. The feather-mail of the higher
class of warriors exhibited, also, a similar selection of colours
for the like object, in the same manner as the colour of the tartan
indicates the peculiar clan of the Highlander. The caciques and
principal warriors were clothed in a quilted cotton tunic, two
inches thick, which, fitting close to the body, protected also the
thighs and the shoulders. Over this the wealthier Indians wore
cuirasses of thin gold plate, or silver. Their legs were defended by
leathern boots or sandals, trimmed with gold. But the most brilliant
part of their costume was a rich mantle of the plumaje or
feather-work, embroidered with curious art, and furnishing some
resemblance to the gorgeous surcoat worn by the European knight over
his armour in the Middle Ages. This graceful and picturesque dress was
surmounted by a fantastic head-piece made of wood or leather,
representing the head of some wild animal, and frequently displaying a
formidable array of teeth. With this covering the warrior's head was
enveloped, producing a most grotesque and hideous effect. From the
crown floated a splendid panache of the richly variegated plumage of
the tropics, indicating, by its form and colours, the rank and
family of the wearer. To complete their defensive armour, they carried
shields or targets, made sometimes of wood covered with leather, but
more usually of a light frame of reeds quilted with cotton, which were
preferred, as tougher and less liable to fracture than the former.
They had other bucklers, in which the cotton was covered with an
elastic substance, enabling them to be shut up in a more compact form,
like a fan or umbrella. These shields were decorated with showy
ornaments, according to the taste or wealth of the wearer, and fringed
with a beautiful pendant of feather-work.
Their weapons were slings, bows and arrows, javelins, and darts.
They were accomplished archers, and would discharge two or even
three arrows at a time. But they most excelled in throwing the
javelin. One species of this, with a thong attached to it, which
remained in the slinger's hand, that he might recall the weapon, was
especially dreaded by the Spaniards. These various weapons were
pointed with bone, or the mineral itztli (obsidian), the hard vitreous
substance already noticed, as capable of taking an edge like a
razor, though easily blunted. Their spears and arrows were also
frequently headed with copper. Instead of a sword, they bore a
two-handed staff, about three feet and a half long, in which, at
regular distances, were inserted, transversely, sharp blades of
itztli,- a formidable weapon, which, an eye-witness assures us, he had
seen fell a horse at a blow.
Such was the costume of the Tlascalan warrior, and, indeed, of
that great family of nations generally, who occupied the plateau of
Anahuac. Some parts of it, as the targets and the cotton mail or
escaupil, as it was called in Castilian, were so excellent, that
they were subsequently adopted by the Spaniards, as equally
effectual in the way of protection, and superior, on the score of
lightness and convenience, to their own. They were of sufficient
strength to turn an arrow, or the stroke of a javelin, although
impotent as a defence against firearms. But what armour is not? Yet it
is probably no exaggeration to say that, in convenience, gracefulness,
and strength, the arms of the Indian warrior were not very inferior to
those of the polished nations of antiquity.
As soon as the Castilians came in sight, the Tlascalans set up
their yell of defiance, rising high above the wild barbaric minstrelsy
of shell, atabal, and trumpet, with which they proclaimed their
triumphant anticipations of victory over the paltry forces of the
invaders. When the latter had come within bowshot, the Indians
hurled a tempest of missiles, that darkened the sun for a moment as
with a passing cloud, strewing the earth around with heaps of stones
and arrows. Slowly and steadily the little band of Spaniards held on
its way amidst this arrowy shower, until it had reached what
appeared the proper distance for delivering its fire with full effect.
Cortes then halted, and, hastily forming his troops, opened a
general well-directed fire along the whole line. Every shot bore its
errand of death; and the ranks of the Indians were mowed down faster
than their comrades in the rear could carry off their bodies,
according to custom, from the field. The balls in their passage
through the crowded files, bearing splinters of the broken harness and
mangled limbs of the warriors, scattered havoc and desolation in their
path. The mob of barbarians stood petrified with dismay, till, at
length, galled to desperation by their intolerable suffering, they
poured forth simultaneously their hideous war-shriek, and rushed
impetuously on the Christians.
On they came like an avalanche, or mountain torrent, shaking the
solid earth, and sweeping away every obstacle in its path. The
little army of Spaniards opposed a bold front to the overwhelming
mass. But no strength could withstand it. They faltered, gave way,
were borne along before it, and their ranks were broken and thrown
into disorder. It was in vain the general called on them to close
again and rally. His voice was drowned by the din of fight and the
fierce cries of the assailants. For a moment, it seemed that all was
lost. The tide of battle had turned against them, and the fate of
the Christians was sealed.
But every man had that within his bosom which spoke louder than
the voice of the general. Despair gave unnatural energy to his arms.
The naked body of the Indian afforded no resistance to the sharp
Toledo steel; and with their good swords, the Spanish infantry at
length succeeded in staying the human torrent. The heavy guns from a
distance thundered on the flank of the assailants, which, shaken by
the iron tempest, was thrown into disorder. Their very numbers
increased the confusion, as they were precipitated on the masses in
front. The horse at the same moment, charging gallantly under
Cortes, followed up the advantage, and at length compelled the
tumultuous throng to fall back with greater precipitation and disorder
than that with which they had advanced.
More than once in the course of the action, a similar assault
was attempted by the Tlascalans, but each time with less spirit, and
greater loss. They were too deficient in military science to profit by
their vast superiority in numbers. They were distributed into
companies, it is true, each serving under its own chieftain and
banner. But they were not arranged by rank and file, and moved in a
confused mass, promiscuously heaped together. They knew not how to
concentrate numbers on a given point, or even how to sustain an
assault, by employing successive detachments to support and relieve
one another. A very small part only of their array could be brought
into contact with an enemy inferior to them in amount of forces. The
remainder of the army, inactive and worse than useless in the rear,
served only to press tumultuously on the advance, and embarrass its
movements by mere weight of numbers, while, on the least alarm, they
were seized with a panic and threw the whole body into inextricable
confusion. It was, in short, the combat of the ancient Greeks and
Persians over again.
Still, the great numerical superiority of the Indians might have
enabled them, at a severe cost of their own lives, indeed, to wear
out, in time, the constancy of the Spaniards, disabled by wounds,
and incessant fatigue. But, fortunately for the latter, dissensions
arose among their enemies. A Tlascalan chieftain, commanding one of
the great divisions, had taken umbrage at the haughty demeanour of
Xicotencatl, who had charged him with misconduct or cowardice in the
late action. The injured cacique challenged his rival to single
combat. This did not take place. But, burning with resentment, he
chose the present occasion to indulge it, by drawing off his forces,
amounting to ten thousand men, from the field. He also persuaded
another of the commanders to follow his example.
Thus reduced to about half his original strength, and that greatly
crippled by the losses of the day, Xicotencatl could no longer
maintain his ground against the Spaniards. After disputing the field
with admirable courage for four hours, he retreated and resigned it to
the enemy. The Spaniards were too much jaded, and too many were
disabled by wounds, to allow them to pursue; and Cortes, satisfied
with the decisive victory he had gained, returned in triumph to his
position on the hill of Tzompach.
The number of killed in his own ranks had been very small,
notwithstanding the severe loss inflicted on the enemy. These few he
was careful to bury where they could not be discovered, anxious to
conceal not only the amount of the slain, but the fact that the whites
were mortal. But very many of the men were wounded, and all the
horses. The trouble of the Spaniards was much enhanced by the want
of many articles important to them in their present exigency. They had
neither oil, nor salt, which, as before noticed, was not to be
obtained in Tlascala. Their clothing, accommodated to a softer
climate, was ill adapted to the rude air of the mountains; and bows
and arrows, as Bernal Diaz sarcastically remarks, formed an
indifferent protection against the inclemency of the weather.
Still, they had much to cheer them in the events of the day; and
they might draw from them a reasonable ground for confidence in
their own resources, such as no other experience could have
supplied. Not that the results could authorise anything like
contempt for their Indian foe. Singly and with the same weapons, he
might have stood his ground against the Spaniards. But the success
of the day established the superiority of science and discipline
over mere physical courage and numbers. It was fighting over again, as
we have said, the old battle of the European and the Asiatic. But
the handful of Greeks who routed the hosts of Xerxes and Darius, it
must be remembered, had not so obvious an advantage on the score of
weapons, as was enjoyed by the Spaniards in these wars. The use of
firearms gave an ascendency which cannot easily be estimated; one so
great, that a contest between nations equally civilised, which
should be similar in all other respects to that between the
Spaniards and the Tlascalans, would probably be attended with a
similar issue. To all this must be added the effect produced by the
cavalry. The nations of Anahuac had no large domesticated animals, and
were unacquainted with any beast of burden. Their imaginations were
bewildered when they beheld the strange apparition of the horse and
his rider moving in unison and obedient to one impulse, as if
possessed of a common nature; and as they saw the terrible animal,
with his "neck clothed in thunder," bearing down their squadrons and
trampling them in the dust, no wonder they should have regarded him
with the mysterious terror felt for a supernatural being. A very
little reflection on the manifold grounds of superiority, both moral
and physical, possessed by the Spaniards in this contest, will
surely explain the issue, without any disparagement to the courage
or capacity of their opponents.
Cortes, thinking the occasion favourable, followed up the
important blow he had struck by a new mission to the capital,
bearing a message of similar import with that recently sent to the
camp. But the senate was not yet sufficiently humbled. The late defeat
caused, indeed, general consternation. Maxixcatzin, one of the four
great lords who presided over the republic, reiterated with greater
force the arguments before urged by him for embracing the proffered
alliance of the strangers. The armies of the state had been beaten too
often to allow any reasonable hope of successful resistance; and he
enlarged on the generosity shown by the politic Conqueror to his
prisoners,- so unusual in Anahuac,- as an additional motive for an
alliance with men who knew how to be friends as well as foes.
But in these views he was overruled by the war-party, whose
animosity was sharpened, rather than subdued, by the late
discomfiture. Their hostile feelings were further exasperated by the
younger Xicotencatl, who burned for an opportunity to retrieve his
disgrace, and to wipe away the stain which had fallen for the first
time on the arms of the republic.
In their perplexity they called in the assistance of the priests
whose authority was frequently invoked in the deliberations of the
American chiefs. The latter inquired, with some simplicity, of these
interpreters of fate, whether the strangers were supernatural
beings, or men of flesh and blood like themselves. The priests,
after some consultation, are said to have made the strange answer,
that the Spaniards, though not gods, were children of the sun; that
they derived their strength from that luminary, and, when his beams
were withdrawn, their powers would also fail. They recommended a night
attack, therefore, as one which afforded the best chance of success.
This apparently childish response may have had in it more of cunning
than credulity. It was not improbably suggested by Xicotencatl
himself, or by the caciques in his interest, to reconcile the people
to a measure which was contrary to the military usages,- indeed, it
may be said, to the public law of Anahuac. Whether the fruit of
artifice or superstition, it prevailed; and the Tlascalan general
was empowered, at the head of a detachment of ten thousand warriors,
to try the effect of an assault by night.
The affair was conducted with such secrecy that it did not reach
the ears of the Spaniards. But their general was not one who allowed
himself, sleeping or waking, to be surprised on his post.
Fortunately the night appointed was illumined by the full beams of
an autumnal moon; and one of the videttes perceived by its light, at a
considerable distance, a large body of Indians moving towards the
Christian lines. He was not slow in giving the alarm to the garrison.
The Spaniards slept, as has been said, with their arms by their
side; while their horses, picketed near them, stood ready saddled,
with the bridle hanging at the bow. In five minutes the whole camp was
under arms, when they beheld the dusky columns of the Indians
cautiously advancing over the plain, their heads just peering above
the tall maize with which the land was partially covered. Cortes
determined not to abide the assault in his intrenchments, but to sally
out and pounce on the enemy when he had reached the bottom of the
hill.
Slowly and stealthily the Indians advanced, while the Christian
camp, hushed in profound silence, seemed to them buried in slumber.
But no sooner had they reached the slope of the rising ground, than
they were astounded by the deep battle-cry of the Spaniards,
followed by the instantaneous apparition of the whole army, as they
sallied forth from the works, and poured down the sides of the hill.
Brandishing aloft their weapons, they seemed to the troubled fancies
of the Tlascalans like so many spectres or demons hurrying to and
fro in mid air, while the uncertain light magnified their numbers, and
expanded the horse and his rider into gigantic and unearthly
dimensions.
Scarcely waiting the shock of their enemy, the panic-struck
barbarians let off a feeble volley of arrows, and, offering no other
resistance, fled rapidly and tumultuously across the plain. The
horse easily overtook the fugitives, riding them down and cutting them
to pieces without mercy, until Cortes, weary with slaughter, called
off his men, leaving the field loaded with the bloody trophies of
victory.
The next day, the Spanish commander, with his usual policy after a
decisive blow had been struck, sent a new embassy to the Tlascalan
capital. The envoys received their instructions through the
interpreter, Marina. That remarkable woman had attracted general
admiration by the constancy and cheerfulness with which she endured
all the privations of the camp. Far from betraying the natural
weakness and timidity of her sex, she had shrunk from no hardship
herself, and had done much to fortify the drooping spirits of the
soldiers; while her sympathies, whenever occasion offered, had been
actively exerted in mitigating the calamities of her Indian
countrymen.
Through his faithful interpreter, Cortes communicated the terms of
his message to the Tlascalan envoys. He made the same professions of
amity as before, promising oblivion of all past injuries; but, if this
proffer were rejected, he would visit their capital as a conqueror,
raze every house in it to the ground, and put every inhabitant to
the sword! He then dismissed the ambassadors with the symbolical
presents of a letter in one hand, and an arrow in the other.
The envoys obtained respectful audience from the council of
Tlascala, whom they found plunged in deep dejection by their recent
reverses. The failure of the night attack had extinguished every spark
of hope in their bosoms. Their armies had been beaten again and again,
in the open field and in secret ambush. Stratagem and courage, all
their resources, had alike proved ineffectual against a foe whose hand
was never weary, and whose eye was never closed. Nothing remained
but to submit. They selected four principal caciques, whom they
intrusted with a mission to the Christian camp. They were to assure
the strangers of a free passage through the country, and a friendly
reception in the capital. The proffered friendship of the Spaniards
was cordially embraced, with many awkward excuses for the past. The
envoys were to touch at the Tlascalan camp on their way, and inform
Xicotencatl of their proceedings. They were to require him, at the
same time, to abstain from all further hostilities, and to furnish the
white men with an ample supply of provisions.
But the Tlascalan deputies, on arriving at the quarters of that
chief, did not find him in the humour to comply with these
instructions. His repeated collisions with the Spaniards, or, it may
be, his constitutional courage, left him inaccessible to the vulgar
terrors of his countrymen. He regarded the strangers not as
supernatural beings, but as men like himself. The animosity of a
warrior had rankled into a deadly hatred from the mortifications he
had endured at their hands, and his head teemed with plans for
recovering his fallen honours, and for taking vengeance on the
invaders of his country. He refused to disband any of the force, still
formidable, under his command; or to send supplies to the enemy's
camp. He further induced the ambassadors to remain in his quarters,
and relinquish their visit to the Spaniards. The latter, in
consequence, were kept in ignorance of the movements in their favour
which had taken place in the Tlascalan capital.
The conduct of Xicotencatl is condemned by Castilian writers as
that of a ferocious and sanguinary barbarian. It is natural they
should so regard it. But those who have no national prejudice to
warp their judgments may come to a different conclusion. They may find
much to admire in that high, unconquerable spirit, like some proud
column, standing alone in its majesty amidst the fragments and ruins
around it. They may see evidences of a clearsighted sagacity, which,
piercing the thin veil of insidious friendship proffered by the
Spaniards, and penetrating the future, discerned the coming miseries
of his country; the noble patriotism of one who would rescue that
country at any cost, and, amidst the gathering darkness, would
infuse his own intrepid spirit into the hearts of his nation, to
animate them to a last struggle for independence.
Chapter IV [1519]

DISCONTENTS IN THE ARMY- TLASCALAN SPIES-
PEACE WITH THE REPUBLIC- EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA

DESIROUS to keep up the terror of the Castilian name, by leaving
the enemy no respite, Cortes on the same day that he despatched the
embassy to Tlascala, put himself at the head of a small corps of
cavalry and light troops to scour the neighbouring country. He was
at that time so ill from fever, aided by medical treatment, that he
could hardly keep his seat in the saddle. It was a rough country,
and the sharp winds from the frosty summits of the mountains pierced
the scanty covering of the troops, and chilled both men and horses.
Four or five of the animals gave out, and the general, alarmed for
their safety, sent them back to the camp. The soldiers, discouraged by
this ill omen, would have persuaded him to return. But he made answer,
"We fight under the banner of the Cross; God is stronger than nature,"
and continued his march.
It led through the same kind of chequered scenery of rugged hill
and cultivated plain as that already described, well covered with
towns and villages, some of them the frontier posts occupied by the
Otomies. Practising the Roman maxim of lenity to the submissive foe,
he took full vengeance on those who resisted, and, as resistance too
often occurred, marked his path with fire and desolation. After a
short absence, he returned in safety, laden with the plunder of a
successful foray. It would have been more honourable to him had it
been conducted with less rigour. The excesses are imputed by Bernal
Diaz to the Indian allies, whom in the heat of victory it was found
impossible to restrain. On whose head soever they fall, they seem to
have given little uneasiness to the general, who declares in his
letter to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, "As we fought under the
standard of the Cross, for the true Faith, and the service of your
Highness, Heaven crowned our arms with such success, that, while
multitudes of the infidel were slain, little loss was suffered by
the Castilians." The Spanish Conquerors, to judge from, their
writings, unconscious of any worldly motive lurking in the bottom of
their hearts, regarded themselves as soldiers of the Church,
fighting the great battle of Christianity; and in the same edifying
and comfortable light are regarded by most of the national
historians of a later day.
On his return to the camp, Cortes found a new cause of disquietude
in the discontents which had broken out among the soldiery. Their
patience was exhausted by a life of fatigue and peril, to which
there seemed to be no end. The battles they had won against such
tremendous odds had not advanced them a jot. The idea of their
reaching Mexico, says the old soldier so often quoted, "was treated
as jest by the whole army"; and the indefinite prospect of hostilities
with the ferocious people among whom they were now cast, threw a
deep gloom over their spirits.
Among the malcontents were a number of noisy, vapouring persons,
such as are found in every camp, who, like empty bubbles, are sure
to rise to the surface and make themselves seen in seasons of
agitation. They were, for the most part, of the old faction of
Velasquez, and had estates in Cuba, to which they turned many a
wistful glance as they receded more and more from the coast. They
now waited on the general, not in a mutinous spirit of resistance,-
for they remembered the lesson in Villa Rica,- but with the design
of frank expostulation, as with a brother adventurer in a common
cause. The tone of familiarity thus assumed was eminently
characteristic of the footing of equality on which the parties in
the expedition stood with one another.
Their sufferings, they told him, were too great to be endured. All
the men had received one, most of them two or three wounds. More
than fifty had perished, in one way or another, since leaving Vera
Cruz. There was no beast of burden but led a life preferable to
theirs. For when the night came, the former could rest from his
labours; but they, fighting or watching, had no rest, day nor night.
As to conquering Mexico, the very thought of it was madness. If they
had encountered such opposition from the petty republic of Tlascala,
what might they not expect from the great Mexican empire? There was
now a temporary suspension of hostilities. They should avail
themselves of it to retrace their steps to Vera Cruz. It is true,
the fleet there was destroyed; and by this act, unparalleled for
rashness even in Roman annals, the general had become responsible
for the fate of the whole army. Still there was one vessel left.
That might be despatched to Cuba, for reinforcements and supplies;
and, when these arrived, they would be enabled to resume operations
with some prospect of success.
Cortes listened to this singular expostulation with perfect
composure. He knew his men, and, instead of rebuke or harsher
measures, replied in the same frank and soldier-like vein which they
had affected.
There was much truth, he allowed, in what they said. The
sufferings of the Spaniards had been great; greater than those
recorded of any heroes in Greek or Roman story. So much the greater
would be their glory. He had often been filled with admiration as he
had seen his little host encircled by myriads of barbarians, and
felt that no people but Spaniards could have triumphed over such
formidable odds. Nor could they, unless the arm of the Almighty had
been over them. And they might reasonably look for His protection
hereafter; for was it not in His cause they were fighting? They had
encountered dangers and difficulties, it was true; but they had not
come here expecting a life of idle dalliance and pleasure. Glory, as
he had told them at the outset, was to be won only by toil and danger.
They would do him the justice to acknowledge that he had never
shrunk from his share of both. "This was a truth," adds the honest
chronicler, who heard and reports the dialogue,- which no one could
deny. But, if they had met with hardships, he continued, they had been
everywhere victorious. Even now they were enjoying the fruits of this,
in the plenty which reigned in the camp. And they would soon see the
Tlascalans, humbled by their late reverses, suing for peace on any
terms. To go back now was impossible. The very stones would rise up
against them. The Tlascalans would hunt them in triumph down to the
water's edge. And how would the Mexicans exult at this miserable issue
of their vainglorious vaunts! Their former friends would become
their enemies; and the Totonacs, to avert the vengeance of the Aztecs,
from which the Spaniards could no longer shield them, would join in
the general cry. There was no alternative, then, but to go forward
in their career. And he besought them to silence their pusillanimous
scruples, and, instead of turning their eyes towards Cuba, to fix them
on Mexico, the great object of their enterprise.
While this singular conference was going on, many other soldiers
had gathered round the spot; and the discontented party, emboldened by
the presence of their comrades, as well as by the general's
forbearance, replied, that they were far from being convinced. Another
such victory as the last would be their ruin. They were going to
Mexico only to be slaughtered. Until, at length, the general's
patience being exhausted, he cut the argument short by quoting a verse
from an old song, implying that it was better to die with honour, than
to live disgraced; a sentiment which was loudly echoed by the
greater part of his audience, who, notwithstanding their occasional
murmurs, had no design to abandon the expedition, still less the
commander, to whom they were passionately devoted. The malcontents,
disconcerted by this rebuke, slunk back to their own quarters,
muttering half-smothered execrations on the leader who had projected
the enterprise, the Indians who had guided him, and their own
countrymen who supported him in it.
Such were the difficulties that lay in the path of Cortes: a
wily and ferocious enemy; a climate uncertain, often unhealthy;
illness in his own person, much aggravated by anxiety as to the manner
in which his conduct would be received by his sovereign; last, not
least, disaffection among his soldiers, on whose constancy and union
he rested for the success of his operations,- the great lever by which
he was to overturn the empire of Montezuma.
On the morning following this event, the camp was surprised by the
appearance of a small body of Tlascalans, decorated with badges, the
white colour of which intimated peace. They brought a quantity of
provisions, and some trifling ornaments, which, they said, were sent
by the Tlascalan general, who was weary of the war, and desired an
accommodation with the Spaniards. He would soon present himself to
arrange this in person. The intelligence diffused general joy, and the
emissaries received a friendly welcome.
A day or two elapsed, and while a few of the party left the
Spanish quarters, the others, about fifty in number, who remained,
excited some distrust in the bosom of Marina. She communicated her
suspicions to Cortes that they were spies. He caused several of
them, in consequence, to be arrested, examined them separately, and
ascertained that they were employed by Xicotencatl to inform him of
the state of the Christian camp, preparatory to a meditated assault,
for which he was mustering his forces. Cortes, satisfied of the
truth of this, determined to make such an example of the delinquents
as should intimidate his enemy from repeating the attempt. He
ordered their hands to be cut off, and in that condition sent them
back to their countrymen, with the message, "that the Tlascalans might
come by day or night; they would find the Spaniards ready for them."
The doleful spectacle of their comrades returning in this
mutilated state filled the Indian camp with horror and
consternation. The haughty crest of their chief was humbled. From that
moment, he lost his wonted buoyancy and confidence. His soldiers,
filled with superstitious fear, refused to serve longer against a
foe who could read their very thoughts, and divine their plans
before they were ripe for execution.
The punishment inflicted by Cortes may well shock the reader by
its brutality. But it should be considered in mitigation, that the
victims of it were spies, and, as such, by the laws of war, whether
among civilised or savage nations, had incurred the penalty of
death. The amputation of the limbs was a milder punishment, and
reserved for inferior offences. If we revolt at the barbarous nature
of the sentence, we should reflect that it was no uncommon one at that
day; not more uncommon, indeed, than whipping and branding with a
hot iron were in our own country at the beginning of the present
century, or than cropping the ears was in the preceding one. A
higher civilisation, indeed, rejects such punishments as pernicious in
themselves, and degrading to humanity. But in the sixteenth century,
they were openly recognised by the laws of the most polished nations
in Europe. And it is too much to ask of any man, still less one bred
to the iron trade of war, to be in advance of the refinement of his
age. We may be content, if, in circumstances so unfavourable to
humanity, he does not fall below it.
All thoughts of further resistance being abandoned, the four
delegates of the Tlascalan republic were now allowed to proceed on
their mission. They were speedily followed by Xicotencatl himself,
attended by a numerous train of military retainers. As they drew
near the Spanish lines, they were easily recognised by the white and
yellow colours of their uniforms, the livery of the house of
Titcala. The joy of the army was great at this sure intimation of
the close of hostilities; and it was with difficulty that Cortes was
enabled to restore the men to tranquillity, and the assumed
indifference which it was proper to maintain in the presence of an
enemy.
The Spaniards gazed with curious eye on the valiant chief who
had so long kept his enemies at bay, and who now advanced with the
firm and fearless step of one who was coming rather to bid defiance
than to sue for peace. He was rather above the middle size, with broad
shoulders, and a muscular frame intimating great activity and
strength. His head was large, and his countenance marked with the
lines of hard service rather than of age, for he was but
thirty-five. When he entered the presence of Cortes, he made the usual
salutation, by touching the ground with his hand, and carrying it to
his head; while the sweet incense of aromatic gums rolled up in clouds
from the censers carried by his slaves.
Far from a pusillanimous attempt to throw the blame on the senate,
he assumed the whole responsibility of the war. He had considered
the white men, he said, as enemies, for they came with the allies
and vassals of Montezuma. He loved his country, and wished to preserve
the independence which she had maintained through her long wars with
the Aztecs. He had been beaten. They might be the strangers who, it
had been so long predicted, would come from the east, to take
possession of the country. He hoped they would use their victory
with moderation, and not trample on the liberties of the republic.
He came now in the name of his nation, to tender their obedience to
the Spaniards, assuring them they would find his countrymen as
faithful in peace as they had been firm in war.
Cortes, far from taking umbrage, was filled with admiration at the
lofty spirit which thus disdained to stoop beneath misfortunes. The
brave man knows how to respect bravery in another. He assumed,
however, a severe aspect, as he rebuked the chief for having so long
persisted in bostilities. Had Xicotencatl believed the word of the
Spaniards, and accepted their proffered friendship sooner, he would
have spared his people much suffering, which they well merited by
their obstinacy. But it was impossible, continued the general, to
retrieve the past. He was willing to bury it in oblivion, and to
receive the Tlascalans as vassals to the emperor, his master. If
they proved true, they should find him a sure column of support; if
false, he would take such vengeance on them as he had intended to take
on their capital, had they not speedily given in their submission.- It
proved an ominous menace for the chief to whom it was addressed.
The cacique then ordered his slaves to bring forward some trifling
ornaments of gold and feather embroidery, designed as presents. They
were of little value, he said, with a smile, for the Tlascalans were
poor. They had little gold, not even cotton, nor salt; the Aztec
emperor had left them nothing but their freedom and their arms. He
offered this gift only as a token of his good will. "As such I receive
it," answered Cortes, "and coming from the Tlascalans, set more
value on it than I should from any other source, though it were a
house full of gold"; a politic, as well as magnanimous reply, for it
was by the aid of this good will that he was to win the gold of
Mexico.
Thus ended the bloody war with the fierce republic of Tlascala,
during the course of which, the fortunes of the Spaniards, more than
once, had trembled in the balance. Had it been persevered in but a
little longer, it must have ended in their confusion and ruin,
exhausted as they were by wounds, watching, and fatigues, with the
seeds of disaffection rankling among themselves. As it was, they
came out of the fearful contest with untarnished glory. To the
enemy, they seemed invulnerable, bearing charmed lives, proof alike
against the accidents of fortune and the assaults of man. No wonder
that they indulged a similar conceit in their own bosoms, and that the
humblest Spaniard should have fancied himself the subject of a special
interposition of providence, which shielded him in the hour of battle,
and reserved him for a higher destiny.
While the Tlascalans were still in the camp, an embassy was
announced from Montezuma. Tidings of the exploits of the Spaniards had
spread far and wide over the plateau. The emperor, in particular,
had watched every step of their progress, as they climbed the steeps
of the Cordilleras, and advanced over the broad tableland on their
summit. He had seen them, with great satisfaction, take the road to
Tlascala, trusting that, if they were mortal men, they would find
their graves there. Great was his dismay, when courier after courier
brought him intelligence of their successes, and that the most
redoubtable warriors on the plateau had been scattered like chaff by
the swords of this handful of strangers.
His superstitious fears returned in full force. He saw in the
Spaniards "the men of destiny" who were to take possession of his
sceptre. In his alarm and uncertainty, he sent a new embassy to the
Christian camp. It consisted of five great nobles of his court,
attended by a train of two hundred slaves. They brought with them a
present, as usual, dictated partly by fear, and, in part, by the
natural munificence of his disposition. It consisted of three thousand
ounces of gold, in grains, or in various manufactured articles, with
several hundred mantles and dresses of embroidered cotton, and the
picturesque feather-work. As they laid these at the feet of Cortes,
they told him, they had come to offer the congratulations of their
master on the late victories of the white men. The emperor only
regretted that it would not be in his power to receive them in his
capital, where the numerous population was so unruly, that their
safety would be placed in jeopardy. The mere intimation of the Aztec
emperor's wishes, in the most distant way, would have sufficed with
the Indian nations. It had very little weight with the Spaniards;
and the envoys, finding this puerile expression of them ineffectual,
resorted to another argument, offering a tribute in their master's
name to the Castilian sovereign, provided the Spaniards would
relinquish their visit to his capital. This was a greater error; it
was displaying the rich casket with one hand, which he was unable to
defend with the other. Yet the author of this pusillanimous policy,
the unhappy victim of superstition, was a monarch renowned among the
Indian nations for his intrepidity and enterprise,- the terror of
Anahuac!
Cortes, while he urged his own sovereign's commands as a reason
for disregarding the wishes of Montezuma, uttered expressions of the
most profound respect for the Aztec prince, and declared that if he
had not the means of requiting his munificence, as he could wish, at
present, he trusted to repay him, at some future day, with good works!
The Mexican ambassadors were not much gratified with finding the
war at an end, and a reconciliation established between their mortal
enemies and the Spaniards. The mutual disgust of the two parties
with each other was too strong to be repressed even in the presence of
the general, who saw with satisfaction the evidences of a jealousy,
which, undermining the strength of the Indian emperor, was to prove
the surest source of his own success.
Two of the Aztec mission returned to Mexico, to acquaint their
sovereign with the state of affairs in the Spanish camp. The others
remained with the army, Cortes being willing that they should be
personal spectators of the deference shown him by the Tlascalans.
Still he did not hasten his departure for their capital. Not that he
placed reliance on the injurious intimations of the Mexicans
respecting their good faith. Yet he was willing to put this to some
longer trial, and, at the same time, to re-establish his own health
more thoroughly, before his visit. Meanwhile, messengers daily arrived
from the city, pressing his journey, and were finally followed by some
of the aged rulers of the republic, attended by a numerous retinue,
impatient of his long delay. They brought with them a body of five
hundred tamanes, or men of burden, to drag his cannon, and relieve his
own forces from this fatiguing part of their duty. It was impossible
to defer his departure longer; and after mass, and a solemn
thanksgiving to the great Being who had crowned their arms with
triumph, the Spaniards bade adieu to the quarters which they had
occupied for nearly three weeks on the hill of Tzompach.
Chapter V [1519]

SPANIARDS ENTER TLASCALA- A DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPITAL-
ATTEMPTED CONVERSION- AZTEC EMBASSY- INVITED TO CHOLULA

THE city of Tlascala, the capital of the republic of the same
name, lay at the distance of about six leagues from the Spanish
camp. The road led into a hilly region, exhibiting in every arable
patch of ground the evidence of laborious cultivation. Over a deep
barranca, or ravine, they crossed on a bridge of stone, which,
according to tradition- a slippery authority- is the same still
standing, and was constructed originally for the passage of the
army. They passed some considerable towns on their route, where they
experienced a full measure of Indian hospitality. As they advanced,
the approach to a populous city was intimated by the crowds who
flocked out to see and welcome the strangers; men and women in their
picturesque dresses, with bunches and wreaths of roses, which they
gave to the Spaniards, or fastened to the necks and caparisons of
their horses, in the manner as at Cempoalla. Priests, with their white
robes, and long matted tresses floating over them, mingled in the
crowd, scattering volumes of incense from their burning censers. In
this way, the multitudinous and motley procession defiled through
the gates of the ancient capital of Tlascala. It was the 23rd of
September, 1519.
The press was now so great, that it was with difficulty the police
of the city could clear a passage for the army; while the azoteas,
or flat-terraced roofs of the buildings, were covered with spectators,
eager to catch a glimpse of the wonderful strangers. The houses were
hung with festoons of flowers, and arches of verdant boughs,
intertwined with roses and honeysuckle, were thrown across the
streets. The whole population abandoned itself to rejoicing; and the
air was rent with songs and shouts of triumph mingled with the wild
music of the national instruments, that might have excited
apprehensions in the breasts of the soldiery, had they not gathered
their peaceful import from the assurance of Marina, and the joyous
countenances of the natives.
With these accompaniments, the procession moved along the
principal streets to the mansion of Xicotencatl, the aged father of
the Tlascalan general, and one of the four rulers of the republic.
Cortes dismounted from his horse, to receive the old chieftain's
embrace. He was nearly blind; and satisfied, as far as he could, a
natural curiosity respecting the person of the Spanish general, by
passing his hand over his features. He then led the way to a
spacious hall in his palace, where a banquet was served to the army.
In the evening, they were shown to their quarters, in the buildings
and open ground surrounding one of the principal teocallis; while
the Mexican ambassadors, at the desire of Cortes, had apartments
assigned them next to his own, that he might the better watch over
their safety, in this city of their enemies.
Tlascala was one of the most important and populous towns on the
tableland. Cortes, in his letter to the emperor, compares it to
Granada, affirming that it was larger, stronger, and more populous
than the Moorish capital, at the time of the conquest, and quite as
well built. But notwithstanding we are assured by a most respectable
writer at the close of the last century that its remains justify the
assertion, we shall be slow to believe that its edifices could have
rivalled those monuments of Oriental magnificence, whose light, aerial
forms still survive after the lapse of ages, the admiration of every
traveller of sensibility and taste. The truth is, that Cortes, like
Columbus, saw objects through the warm medium of his own fond
imagination, giving them a higher tone of colouring and larger
dimensions than were strictly warranted by the fact. It was natural
that the man who had made such rare discoveries should unconsciously
magnify their merits to his own eyes and to those of others.
The houses were, for the most part, of mud or earth; the better
sort of stone and lime, or bricks dried in the sun. They were
unprovided with doors or windows, but in the apertures for the
former hung mats fringed with pieces of copper or something which,
by its tinkling sound, would give notice of any one's entrance. The
streets were narrow and dark. The population must have been
considerable if, as Cortes asserts, thirty thousand souls were often
gathered in the market on a public day. These meetings were a sort
of fairs, held, as usual in all the great towns, every fifth day,
and attended by the inhabitants of the adjacent country, who brought
there for sale every description of domestic produce and manufacture
with which they were acquainted. They peculiarly excelled in
pottery, which was considered as equal to the best in Europe. It is
a further proof of civilised habits, that the Spaniards found barbers'
shops, and baths, both of vapour and hot water, familiarly used by the
inhabitants. A still higher proof of refinement may be discerned in
a vigilant police which repressed everything like disorder among the
people.
The city was divided into four quarters, which might rather be
called so many separate towns, since they were built at different
times, and separated from each other by high stone walls, defining
their respective limits. Over each of these districts ruled one of the
four great chiefs of the republic, occupying his own spacious mansion,
and surrounded by his own immediate vassals. Strange arrangement,- and
more strange that it should have been compatible with social order and
tranquillity! The ancient capital, through one quarter of which flowed
the rapid current of the Zahuatl, stretched along the summits and
sides of hills, at whose base are now gathered the miserable remains
of its once flourishing population. Far beyond, to the south-west,
extended the bold sierra of Tlascala, and the huge Malinche, crowned
with the usual silver diadem of the highest Andes, having its shaggy
sides clothed with dark green forests of firs, gigantic sycamores, and
oaks whose towering stems rose to the height of forty or fifty feet,
unencumbered by a branch. The clouds, which sailed over from the
distant Atlantic, gathered round the lofty peaks of the sierra, and,
settling into torrents, poured over the plains in the neighbourhood of
the city, converting them, at such seasons, into swamps.
Thunderstorms, more frequent and terrible here than in other parts
of the tableland, swept down the sides of the mountains, and shook the
frail tenements of the capital to their foundations. But, although the
bleak winds of the sierra gave an austerity to the climate, unlike the
sunny skies and genial temperature of the lower regions, it was far
more favourable to the development of both the physical and moral
energies. A bold and hardy peasantry was nurtured among the recesses
of the hills, fit equally to cultivate the land in peace and to defend
it in war. Unlike the spoiled child of Nature, who derives such
facilities of subsistence from her too prodigal hand, as supersede the
necessity of exertion on his own part, the Tlascalan earned his bread-
from a soil not ungrateful, it is true- by the sweat of his brow. He
led a life of temperance and toil. Cut off by his long wars with the
Aztecs from commercial intercourse, he was driven chiefly to
agricultural labour, the occupation most propitious to purity of
morals and sinewy strength of constitution. His honest breast glowed
with the patriotism,- or local attachment to the soil, which is the
fruit of its diligent culture; while he was elevated by a proud
consciousness of independence, the natural birthright of the child
of the mountains.- Such was the race with whom Cortes was now
associated for the achievement of his great work.
Some days were given by the Spaniards to festivity, in which
they were successively entertained at the hospitable boards of the
four great nobles, in their several quarters of the city. Amidst these
friendly demonstrations, however, the general never relaxed for a
moment his habitual vigilance, or the strict discipline of the camp;
and he was careful to provide for the security of the citizens by
prohibiting, under severe penalties, any soldier from leaving his
quarters without express permission. Indeed, the severity of his
discipline provoked the remonstrance of more than one of his officers,
as a superfluous caution; and the Tlascalan chiefs took some exception
at it, as inferring an unreasonable distrust of them. But, when Cortes
explained it, as in obedience to an established military system,
they testified their admiration, and the ambitious young general of
the republic proposed to introduce it, if possible, into his own
ranks.
The Spanish commander, having assured himself of the loyalty of
his new allies, next proposed to accomplish one of the great objects
of his mission- their conversion to Christianity. By the advice of
Father Olmedo, always opposed to precipitate measures, he had deferred
this till a suitable opportunity presented itself for opening the
subject. Such a one occurred when the chiefs of the state proposed
to strengthen the alliance with the Spaniards, by the intermarriage of
their daughters with Cortes and his officers. He told them this
could not be, while they continued in the darkness of infidelity.
Then, with the aid of the good friar, he expounded as well as he could
the doctrines of the Faith; and, exhibiting the image of the Virgin
with the infant Redeemer, told them that there was the God, in whose
worship alone they would find salvation, while that of their own false
idols would sink them in eternal perdition.
It is unnecessary to burden the reader with a recapitulation of
his homily, which contained, probably, dogmas quite as
incomprehensible to the untutored Indian as any to be found in his own
rude mythology. But, though it failed to convince his audience, they
listened with a deferential awe. When he had finished, they replied,
they had no doubt that the God of the Christians must be a good and
a great God, and as such they were willing to give him a place among
the divinities of Tlascala. The polytheistic system of the Indians,
like that of the ancient Greeks, was of that accommodating kind
which could admit within its elastic folds the deities of any other
religion, without violence to itself. But every nation, they
continued, must have its own appropriate and tutelary deities. Nor
could they, in their old age, abjure the service of those who had
watched over them from youth. It would bring down the vengeance of
their gods, and of their own nation, who were as warmly attached to
their religion as their liberties, and would defend both with the last
drop of their blood!
It was clearly inexpedient to press the matter further, at
present. But the zeal of Cortes, as usual, waxing warm by
opposition, had now mounted too high for him to calculate obstacles;
nor would he have shrunk, probably, from the crown of martyrdom in
so good a cause. But fortunately, at least for the success of his
temporal cause, this crown was not reserved for him.
The good monk, his ghostly adviser, seeing the course things
were likely to take, with better judgment interposed to prevent it. He
had no desire, he said, to see the same scenes acted over again as
at Cempoalla. He had no relish for forced conversions. They could
hardly be lasting. The growth of an hour might well die with the hour.
Of what use was it to overturn the altar, if the idol remained
enthroned in the heart? or to destroy the idol itself, if it were only
to make room for another? Better to wait patiently the effect of
time and teaching to soften the heart and open the understanding,
without which there could be no assurance of a sound and permanent
conviction. These rational views were enforced by the remonstrances of
Alvarado, Velasquez de Leon, and those in whom Cortes placed most
confidence; till, driven from his original purpose, the military
polemic consented to relinquish the attempt at conversion, for the
present, and to refrain from a repetition of the scenes, which,
considering the different mettle of the population, might have been
attended with very different results from those at Cozumel and
Cempoalla.
But though Cortes abandoned the ground of conversion for the
present, he compelled the Tlascalans to break the fetters of the
unfortunate victims reserved for sacrifice; an act of humanity
unhappily only transient in its effects, since the prisons were filled
with fresh victims on his departure.
He also obtained permission for the Spaniards to perform the
services of their own religion unmolested. A large cross was erected
in one of the great courts or squares. Mass was celebrated every day
in the presence of the army and of crowds of natives, who, if they did
not comprehend its full import, were so far edified, that they learned
to reverence the religion of their conquerors. The direct
interposition of Heaven, however, wrought more for their conversion
than the best homily of priest or soldier. Scarcely had the
Spaniards left the city,- the tale is told on very respectable
authority,- when a thin, transparent cloud descended and settled
like a column on the cross, and, wrapping it round in its luminous
folds, continued to emit a soft, celestial radiance through the night,
thus proclaiming the sacred character of the symbol, on which was shed
the halo of divinity!
The principle of toleration in religious matters being
established, the Spanish general consented to receive the daughters of
the caciques. Five or six of the most beautiful Indian maidens were
assigned to as many of his principal officers, after they had been
cleansed from the stains of infidelity by the waters of baptism.
They received, as usual, on this occasion, good Castilian names, in
exchange for the barbarous nomenclature of their own vernacular.
Among them, Xicotencatl's daughter, Dona Luisa, as she was
called after her baptism, was a princess of the highest estimation and
authority in Tlascala. She was given by her father to Alvarado, and
their posterity intermarried with the noblest families of Castile. The
frank and joyous manners of this cavalier made him a great favourite
with the Tlascalans; and his bright open countenance, fair complexion,
and golden locks, gave him the name of Tonatiuh, the "Sun." The
Indians often pleased their fancies by fastening a sobriquet, or
some characteristic epithet, on the Spaniards. As Cortes was always
attended, on public occasions, by Dona Marina, or Malinche, as she was
called by the natives, they distinguished him by the same name. By
these epithets, originally bestowed in Tlascala, the two Spanish
captains were popularly designated among the Indian nations.
While these events were passing, another embassy arrived from
the court of Mexico. It was charged, as usual, with a costly
donative of embossed gold plate, and rich embroidered stuffs of cotton
and feather-work. The terms of the message might well argue a
vacillating and timid temper in the monarch, did they not mask a
deeper policy. He now invited the Spaniards to his capital, with the
assurance of a cordial welcome. He besought them to enter into no
alliance with the base and barbarous Tlascalans; and he invited them
to take the route of the friendly city of Cholula, where arrangements,
according to his orders, were made for their reception.
The Tlascalans viewed with deep regret the general's proposed
visit to Mexico. Their reports fully confirmd all he had before
heard of the power and ambition of Montezuma. His armies, they said,
were spread over every part of the continent. His capital was a
place of great strength, and as, from its insular position, all
communication could be easily cut off with the adjacent country, the
Spaniards, once entrapped there, would be at his mercy. His policy,
they represented, was as insidious as his ambition was boundless.
"Trust not his fair words," they said, "his courtesies, and his gifts.
His professions are hollow, and his friendships are false." When
Cortes remarked, that he hoped to bring about a better understanding
between the emperor and them, they replied, it would be impossible;
however smooth his words, he would hate them at heart.
They warmly protested, also, against the general's taking the
route of Cholula. The inhabitants, not brave in the open field, were
more dangerous from their perfidy and craft. They were Montezuma's
tools, and would do his bidding. The Tlascalans seemed to combine with
this distrust a superstitious dread of the ancient city, the
headquarters of the religion of Anahuac. It was here that the god
Quetzalcoatl held the pristine seat of his empire. His temple was
celebrated throughout the land, and the priests were confidently
believed to have the power, as they themselves boasted, of opening
an inundation from the foundations of his shrine, which should bury
their enemies in the deluge. The Tlascalans further reminded Cortes,
that while so many other and distant places had sent to him at
Tlascala, to testify their good will, and offer their allegiance to
his sovereign, Cholula, only six leagues distant, had done neither.
The last suggestion struck the general more forcibly than any of the
preceding. He instantly despatched a summons to the city requiring a
formal tender of its submission.
Among the embassies from different quarters which had waited on
the Spanish commander, while at Tlascala, was one from
Ixtlilxochitl, son of the great Nezahualpilli, and an unsuccessful
competitor with his elder brother- as noticed in a former part of
our narrative- for the crown of Tezcuco. Though defeated in his
pretensions, he had obtained a part of the kingdom, over which he
ruled with a deadly feeling of animosity towards his rival, and to
Montezuma, who had sustained him. He now offered his services to
Cortes, asking his aid, in return, to place him on the throne of his
ancestors. The politic general returned such an answer to the aspiring
young prince, as might encourage his expectations, and attach him to
his interests. It was his aim to strengthen his cause by attracting to
himself every particle of disaffection that was floating through the
land.
It was not long before deputies arrived from Cholula, profuse in
their expressions of good will, and inviting the presence of the
Spaniards in their capital. The messengers were of low degree, far
beneath the usual rank of ambassadors. This was pointed out by the
Tlascalans; and Cortes regarded it as a fresh indignity. He sent in
consequence a new summons, declaring, if they did not instantly send
him a deputation of their principal men, he would deal with them as
rebels to his own sovereign, the rightful lord of these realms! The
menace had the desired effect. The Cholulans were not inclined to
contest, at least for the present, his magnificent pretensions.
Another embassy appeared in the camp, consisting of some of the
highest nobles; who repeated the invitation for the Spaniards to visit
their city, and excused their own tardy appearance by apprehensions
for their personal safety in the capital of their enemies. The
explanation was plausible, and was admitted by Cortes.
The Tlascalans were now more than ever opposed to his projected
visit. A strong Aztec force, they had ascertained, lay in the
neighbourhood of Cholula, and the people were actively placing their
city in a posture of defence. They suspected some insidious scheme
concerted by Montezuma to destroy the Spaniards.
These suggestions disturbed the mind of Cortes, but did not turn
him from his purpose. He felt a natural curiosity to see the venerable
city so celebrated in the history of the Indian nations. He had,
besides, gone too far to recede,- too far, at least, to do so
without a show of apprehension, implying a distrust in his own
resources, which could not fail to have a bad effect on his enemies,
his allies, and his own men. After a brief consultation with his
officers, he decided on the route to Cholula.
It was now three weeks since the Spaniards had taken up their
residence within the hospitable walls of Tlascala; and nearly six
since they entered her territory. They had been met on the threshold
as an enemy, with the most determined hostility. They were now to part
with the same people, as friends and allies; fast friends, who were to
stand by them, side by side, through the whole of their arduous
struggle. The result of their visit, therefore, was of the last
importance, since on the co-operation of these brave and warlike
republicans, greatly depended the ultimate success of the expedition.
Chapter VI [1519]

CITY OF CHOLULA- GREAT TEMPLE- MARCH TO CHOLULA-
RECEPTION ACCORDED THE SPANIARDS- CONSPIRACY DETECTED

THE ancient city of Cholula, capital of the republic of that name,
lay nearly six leagues south of Tlascala, and about twenty east, or
rather south-east of Mexico. It was said by Cortes to contain twenty
thousand houses within the walls, and as many more in the environs.
Whatever was its real number of inhabitants, it was unquestionably, at
the time of the Conquest, one of the most populous and flourishing
cities in New Spain.
It was of great antiquity, and was founded by the primitive
races who overspread the land before the Aztecs. We have few
particulars of its form of government, which seems to have been cast
on a republican model similar to that of Tlascala. This answered so
well, that the state maintained its independence down to a very late
period, when, if not reduced to vassalage by the Aztecs, it was so far
under their control as to enjoy few of the benefits of a separate
political existence. Their connection with Mexico brought the
Cholulans into frequent collision with their neighbours and kindred,
the Tlascalans. But, although far superior to them in refinement and
the various arts of civilisation, they were no match in war for the
bold mountaineers, the Swiss of Anahuac. The Cholulan capital was
the great commercial emporium of the plateau. The inhabitants excelled
in various mechanical arts, especially that of working in metals,
the manufacture of cotton and agave cloths, and of a delicate kind
of pottery, rivalling, it was said, that of Florence in beauty. But
such attention to the arts of a polished and peaceful community
naturally indisposed them to war, and disqualified them for coping
with those who made war the great business of life. The Cholulans were
accused of effeminacy, and were less distinguished- it is the charge
of their rivals- by their courage than their cunning.
But the capital, so conspicuous for its refinement and its great
antiquity, was even more venerable for the religious traditions
which invested it. It was here that the god Quetzalcoatl paused in his
passage to the coast, and passed twenty years in teaching the Toltec
inhabitants the arts of civilisation. He made them acquainted with
better forms of government, and a more spiritualised religion, in
which the only sacrifices were the fruits and flowers of the season.
It is not easy to determine what he taught, since, his lessons have
been so mingled with the licentious dogmas of his own priests, and the
mystic commentaries of the Christian missionary. It is probable that
he was one of those rare and gifted beings, who dissipating the
darkness of the age by the illumination of their own genius, are
deified by a grateful posterity, and placed among the lights of
heaven.
It was in honour of this benevolent deity, that the stupendous
mound was erected on which the traveller still gazes with admiration
as the most colossal fabric in New Spain, rivalling in dimensions, and
somewhat resembling in form, the pyramidal structures of ancient
Egypt. The date of its erection is unknown, for it was found there
when the Aztecs entered on the plateau. It had the form common to
the Mexican teocallis, that of a truncated pyramid, facing with its
four sides the cardinal points, and divided into the same number of
terraces. Its original outlines, however, have been effaced by the
action of time and of the elements, while the exuberant growth of
shrubs and wild flowers, which have mantled over its surface, give
it the appearance of one of those symmetrical elevations thrown up
by the caprice of nature, rather than by the industry of man. It is
doubtful, indeed, whether the interior be not a natural hill, though
it seems not improbable that it is an artificial composition of
stone and earth, deeply incrusted, as is certain, in every part,
with alternate strata of brick and clay.
The perpendicular height of the pyramid is one hundred and
seventy-seven feet. Its base is one thousand four hundred and
twenty-three feet long, twice as long as that of the great pyramid
of Cheops. It may give some idea of its dimensions to state, that
its base, which is square, covers about forty-four acres, and the
platform on its truncated summit, embraces more than one. It reminds
us of those colossal monuments of brickwork, which are still seen in
ruins on the banks of the Euphrates, and, in much higher preservation,
on those of the Nile.
On the summit stood a sumptuous temple, in which was the image
of the mystic deity, "god of the air," with ebon features, unlike
the fair complexion which he bore upon earth, wearing a mitre on his
head waving with plumes of fire, with a resplendent collar of gold
round his neck, pendants of mosaic turquoise in his ears, a jewelled
sceptre in one hand, and a shield curiously painted, the emblem of his
rule over the winds, in the other. The sanctity of the place, hallowed
by hoary tradition, and the magnificence of the temple and its
services, made it an object of veneration throughout the land, and
pilgrims from the furthest corners of Anahuac came to offer up their
devotions at the shrine of Quetzalcoatl. The number of these was so
great, as to give an air of mendicity to th