Some of Aristotle's works

2


2

THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION

CATEGORIES

ON DREAMS

ON THE GENERATION OF ANIMALS

ON THE GAIT OF ANIMALS

ON GENERATION AND CORRUPTION

ON THE HEAVENS


350 BC

THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION

by Aristotle

translated by Sir Frederic G. Kenyon

1


...[They were tried] by a court empanelled from among the noble

families, and sworn upon the sacrifices. The part of accuser was taken

by Myron. They were found guilty of the sacrilege, and their bodies

were cast out of their graves and their race banished for evermore. In

view of this expiation, Epimenides the Cretan performed a purification

of the city.


2


After this event there was contention for a long time between the

upper classes and the populace. Not only was the constitution at

this time oligarchical in every respect, but the poorer classes,

men, women, and children, were the serfs of the rich. They were

known as Pelatae and also as Hectemori, because they cultivated the

lands of the rich at the rent thus indicated. The whole country was in

the hands of a few persons, and if the tenants failed to pay their

rent they were liable to be haled into slavery, and their children

with them. All loans secured upon the debtor's person, a custom

which prevailed until the time of Solon, who was the first to appear

as the champion of the people. But the hardest and bitterest part of

the constitution in the eyes of the masses was their state of serfdom.

Not but what they were also discontented with every other feature of

their lot; for, to speak generally, they had no part nor share in

anything.


3


Now the ancient constitution, as it existed before the time of

Draco, was organized as follows. The magistrates were elected

according to qualifications of birth and wealth. At first they

governed for life, but subsequently for terms of ten years. The

first magistrates, both in date and in importance, were the King,

the Polemarch, and the Archon. The earliest of these offices was

that of the King, which existed from ancestral antiquity. To this

was added, secondly, the office of Polemarch, on account of some of

the kings proving feeble in war; for it was on this account that Ion

was invited to accept the post on an occasion of pressing need. The

last of the three offices was that of the Archon, which most

authorities state to have come into existence in the time of Medon.

Others assign it to the time of Acastus, and adduce as proof the

fact that the nine Archons swear to execute their oaths 'as in the

days of Acastus,' which seems to suggest that it was in his time

that the descendants of Codrus retired from the kingship in return for

the prerogatives conferred upon the Archon. Whichever way it may be,

the difference in date is small; but that it was the last of these

magistracies to be created is shown by the fact that the Archon has no

part in the ancestral sacrifices, as the King and the Polemarch

have, but exclusively in those of later origin. So it is only at a

comparatively late date that the office of Archon has become of

great importance, through the dignity conferred by these later

additions. The Thesmothetae were many years afterwards, when these

offices had already become annual, with the object that they might

publicly record all legal decisions, and act as guardians of them with

a view to determining the issues between litigants. Accordingly

their office, alone of those which have been mentioned, was never of

more than annual duration.

Such, then, is the relative chronological precedence of these

offices. At that time the nine Archons did not all live together.

The King occupied the building now known as the Boculium, near the

Prytaneum, as may be seen from the fact that even to the present day

the marriage of the King's wife to Dionysus takes place there. The

Archon lived in the Prytaneum, the Polemarch in the Epilyceum. The

latter building was formerly called the Polemarcheum, but after

Epilycus, during his term of office as Polemarch, had rebuilt it and

fitted it up, it was called the Epilyceum. The Thesmothetae occupied

the Thesmotheteum. In the time of Solon, however, they all came

together into the Thesmotheteum. They had power to decide cases

finally on their own authority, not, as now, merely to hold a

preliminary hearing. Such then was the arrangement of the

magistracies. The Council of Areopagus had as its constitutionally

assigned duty the protection of the laws; but in point of fact it

administered the greater and most important part of the government

of the state, and inflicted personal punishments and fines summarily

upon all who misbehaved themselves. This was the natural consequence

of the facts that the Archons were elected under qualifications of

birth and wealth, and that the Areopagus was composed of those who had

served as Archons; for which latter reason the membership of the

Areopagus is the only office which has continued to be a

life-magistracy to the present day.


4


Such was, in outline, the first constitution, but not very long

after the events above recorded, in the archonship of Aristaichmus,

Draco enacted his ordinances. Now his constitution had the following

form. The franchise was given to all who could furnish themselves with

a military equipment. The nine Archons and the Treasurers were elected

by this body from persons possessing an unencumbered property of not

less than ten minas, the less important officials from those who could

furnish themselves with a military equipment, and the generals

[Strategi] and commanders of the cavalry [Hipparchi] from those who

could show an unencumbered property of not less than a hundred

minas, and had children born in lawful wedlock over ten years of

age. These officers were required to hold to bail the Prytanes, the

Strategi, and the Hipparchi of the preceding year until their accounts

had been audited, taking four securities of the same class as that

to which the Strategi and the Hipparchi belonged. There was also to be

a Council, consisting of four hundred and one members, elected by

lot from among those who possessed the franchise. Both for this and

for the other magistracies the lot was cast among those who were

over thirty years of age; and no one might hold office twice until

every one else had had his turn, after which they were to cast the lot

afresh. If any member of the Council failed to attend when there was a

sitting of the Council or of the Assembly, he paid a fine, to the

amount of three drachmas if he was a Pentacosiomedimnus, two if he was

a Knight, and One if he was a Zeugites. The Council of Areopagus was

guardian of the laws, and kept watch over the magistrates to see

that they executed their offices in accordance with the laws. Any

person who felt himself wronged might lay an information before the

Council of Areopagus, on declaring what law was broken by the wrong

done to him. But, as has been said before, loans were secured upon the

persons of the debtors, and the land was in the hands of a few.


5


Since such, then, was the organization of the constitution, and

the many were in slavery to the few, the people rose against the upper

class. The strife was keen, and for a long time the two parties were

ranged in hostile camps against one another, till at last, by common

consent, they appointed Solon to be mediator and Archon, and committed

the whole constitution to his hands. The immediate occasion of his

appointment was his poem, which begins with the words:


I behold, and within my heart deep sadness has claimed its place,

As I mark the oldest home of the ancient Ionian race

Slain by the sword.


In this poem he fights and disputes on behalf of each party in

turn against the other, and finally he advises them to come to terms

and put an end to the quarrel existing between them. By birth and

reputation Solon was one of the foremost men of the day, but in wealth

and position he was of the middle class, as is generally agreed, and

is, indeed, established by his own evidence in these poems, where he

exhorts the wealthy not to be grasping.


But ye who have store of good, who are sated and overflow,

Restrain your swelling soul, and still it and keep it low:

Let the heart that is great within you he trained a lowlier way;

Ye shall not have all at your will, and we will not for ever obey.


Indeed, he constantly fastens the blame of the conflict on the

rich; and accordingly at the beginning of the poem he says that he

fears' the love of wealth and an overweening mind', evidently

meaning that it was through these that the quarrel arose.


6


As soon as he was at the head of affairs, Solon liberated the people

once and for all, by prohibiting all loans on the security of the

debtor's person: and in addition he made laws by which he cancelled

all debts, public and private. This measure is commonly called the

Seisachtheia [= removal of burdens], since thereby the people had

their loads removed from them. In connexion with it some persons try

to traduce the character of Solon. It so happened that, when he was

about to enact the Seisachtheia, he communicated his intention to some

members of the upper class, whereupon, as the partisans of the popular

party say, his friends stole a march on him; while those who wish to

attack his character maintain that he too had a share in the fraud

himself. For these persons borrowed money and bought up a large amount

of land, and so when, a short time afterwards, all debts were

cancelled, they became wealthy; and this, they say, was the origin

of the families which were afterwards looked on as having been wealthy

from primeval times. However, the story of the popular party is by far

the most probable. A man who was so moderate and public-spirited in

all his other actions, that when it was within his power to put his

fellow-citizens beneath his feet and establish himself as tyrant, he

preferred instead to incur the hostility of both parties by placing

his honour and the general welfare above his personal

aggrandisement, is not likely to have consented to defile his hands by

such a petty and palpable fraud. That he had this absolute power is,

in the first place, indicated by the desperate condition the

country; moreover, he mentions it himself repeatedly in his poems, and

it is universally admitted. We are therefore bound to consider this

accusation to be false.


7


Next Solon drew up a constitution and enacted new laws; and the

ordinances of Draco ceased to be used, with the exception of those

relating to murder. The laws were inscribed on the wooden stands,

and set up in the King's Porch, and all swore to obey them; and the

nine Archons made oath upon the stone, declaring that they would

dedicate a golden statue if they should transgress any of them. This

is the origin of the oath to that effect which they take to the

present day. Solon ratified his laws for a hundred years; and the

following was the fashion in which he organized the constitution. He

divided the population according to property into four classes, just

as it had been divided before, namely, Pentacosiomedimni, Knights,

Zeugitae, and Thetes. The various magistracies, namely, the nine

Archons, the Treasurers, the Commissioners for Public Contracts

(Poletae), the Eleven, and Clerks (Colacretae), he assigned to the

Pentacosiomedimni, the Knights, and the Zeugitae, giving offices to

each class in proportion to the value of their rateable property. To

who ranked among the Thetes he gave nothing but a place in the

Assembly and in the juries. A man had to rank as a

Pentacosiomedimnus if he made, from his own land, five hundred

measures, whether liquid or solid. Those ranked as Knights who made

three hundred measures, or, as some say, those who were able to

maintain a horse. In support of the latter definition they adduce

the name of the class, which may be supposed to be derived from this

fact, and also some votive offerings of early times; for in the

Acropolis there is a votive offering, a statue of Diphilus, bearing

this inscription:


The son of Diphilus, Athenion hight,

Raised from the Thetes and become a knight,

Did to the gods this sculptured charger bring,

For his promotion a thank-offering.


And a horse stands in evidence beside the man, implying that this

was what was meant by belonging to the rank of Knight. At the same

time it seems reasonable to suppose that this class, like the

Pentacosiomedimni, was defined by the possession of an income of a

certain number of measures. Those ranked as Zeugitae who made two

hundred measures, liquid or solid; and the rest ranked as Thetes,

and were not eligible for any office. Hence it is that even at the

present day, when a candidate for any office is asked to what class he

belongs, no one would think of saying that he belonged to the Thetes.


8


The elections to the various offices Solon enacted should be by lot,

out of candidates selected by each of the tribes. Each tribe

selected ten candidates for the nine archonships, and among these

the lot was cast. Hence it is still the custom for each tribe to

choose ten candidates by lot, and then the lot is again cast among

these. A proof that Solon regulated the elections to office

according to the property classes may be found in the law still in

force with regard to the Treasurers, which enacts that they shall be

chosen from the Pentacosiomedimni. Such was Solon's legislation with

respect to the nine Archons; whereas in early times the Council of

Areopagus summoned suitable persons according to its own judgement and

appointed them for the year to the several offices. There were four

tribes, as before, and four tribe-kings. Each tribe was divided into

three Trittyes [=Thirds], with twelve Naucraries in each; and the

Naucraries had officers of their own, called Naucrari, whose duty it

was to superintend the current receipts and expenditure. Hence,

among the laws of Solon now obsolete, it is repeatedly written that

the Naucrari are to receive and to spend out of the Naucraric fund.

Solon also appointed a Council of four hundred, a hundred from each

tribe; but he assigned to the Council of the Areopagus the duty of

superintending the laws, acting as before as the guardian of the

constitution in general. It kept watch over the affairs of the state

in most of the more important matters, and corrected offenders, with

full powers to inflict either fines or personal punishment. The

money received in fines it brought up into the Acropolis, without

assigning the reason for the mulct. It also tried those who

conspired for the overthrow of the state, Solon having enacted a

process of impeachment to deal with such offenders. Further, since

he saw the state often engaged in internal disputes, while many of the

citizens from sheer indifference accepted whatever might turn up, he

made a law with express reference to such persons, enacting that any

one who, in a time civil factions, did not take up arms with either

party, should lose his rights as a citizen and cease to have any

part in the state.


9


Such, then, was his legislation concerning the magistracies. There

are three points in the constitution of Solon which appear to be its

most democratic features: first and most important, the prohibition of

loans on the security of the debtor's person; secondly, the right of

every person who so willed to claim redress on behalf of any one to

whom wrong was being done; thirdly, the institution of the appeal to

the jurycourts; and it is to this last, they say, that the masses have

owed their strength most of all, since, when the democracy is master

of the voting-power, it is master of the constitution. Moreover, since

the laws were not drawn up in simple and explicit terms (but like

the one concerning inheritances and wards of state), disputes

inevitably occurred, and the courts had to decide in every matter,

whether public or private. Some persons in fact believe that Solon

deliberately made the laws indefinite, in order that the final

decision might be in the hands of the people. This, however, is not

probable, and the reason no doubt was that it is impossible to

attain ideal perfection when framing a law in general terms; for we

must judge of his intentions, not from the actual results in the

present day, but from the general tenor of the rest of his

legislation.


10


These seem to be the democratic features of his laws; but in

addition, before the period of his legislation, he carried through his

abolition of debts, and after it his increase in the standards of

weights and measures, and of the currency. During his administration

the measures were made larger than those of Pheidon, and the mina,

which previously had a standard of seventy drachmas, was raised to the

full hundred. The standard coin in earlier times was the two-drachma

piece. He also made weights corresponding with the coinage,

sixty-three minas going to the talent; and the odd three minas were

distributed among the staters and the other values.


11


When he had completed his organization of the constitution in the

manner that has been described, he found himself beset by people

coming to him and harassing him concerning his laws, criticizing

here and questioning there, till, as he wished neither to alter what

he had decided on nor yet to be an object of ill will to every one

by remaining in Athens, he set off on a journey to Egypt, with the

combined objects of trade and travel, giving out that he should not

return for ten years. He considered that there was no call for him

to expound the laws personally, but that every one should obey them

just as they were written. Moreover, his position at this time was

unpleasant. Many members of the upper class had been estranged from

him on account of his abolition of debts, and both parties were

alienated through their disappointment at the condition of things

which he had created. The mass of the people had expected him to

make a complete redistribution of all property, and the upper class

hoped he would restore everything to its former position, or, at any

rate, make but a small change. Solon, however, had resisted both

classes. He might have made himself a despot by attaching himself to

whichever party he chose, but he preferred, though at the cost of

incurring the enmity of both, to be the saviour of his country and the

ideal lawgiver.


12


The truth of this view of Solon's policy is established alike by

common consent, and by the mention he has himself made of the matter

in his poems. Thus:


I gave to the mass of the people such rank as befitted their need,

I took not away their honour, and I granted naught to their greed;

While those who were rich in power, who in wealth were glorious and

great,

I bethought me that naught should befall them unworthy their

splendour and state;

So I stood with my shield outstretched, and both were sale in its

sight,

And I would not that either should triumph, when the triumph was

not with right.


Again he declares how the mass of the people ought to be treated:


But thus will the people best the voice of their leaders obey,

When neither too slack is the rein, nor violence holdeth the sway;

For indulgence breedeth a child, the presumption that spurns control,

When riches too great are poured upon men of unbalanced soul.


And again elsewhere he speaks about the persons who wished to

redistribute the land:


So they came in search of plunder, and their cravings knew no hound,

Every one among them deeming endless wealth would here be found.

And that I with glozing smoothness hid a cruel mind within.

Fondly then and vainly dreamt they; now they raise an angry din,

And they glare askance in anger, and the light within their eyes

Burns with hostile flames upon me. Yet therein no justice lies.

All I promised, fully wrought I with the gods at hand to cheer,

Naught beyond in folly ventured. Never to my soul was dear

With a tyrant's force to govern, nor to see the good and base

Side by side in equal portion share the rich home of our race.


Once more he speaks of the abolition of debts and of those who

before were in servitude, but were released owing to the Seisachtheia:


Of all the aims for which I summoned forth

The people, was there one I compassed not?

Thou, when slow time brings justice in its train,

O mighty mother of the Olympian gods,

Dark Earth, thou best canst witness, from whose breast

I swept the pillars broadcast planted there,

And made thee free, who hadst been slave of yore.

And many a man whom fraud or law had sold

For from his god-built land, an outcast slave,

I brought again to Athens; yea, and some,

Exiles from home through debt's oppressive load,

Speaking no more the dear ATHENIAN tongue,

But wandering far and wide, I brought again;

And those that here in vilest slavery

Crouched 'neath a master's frown, I set them free.

Thus might and right were yoked in harmony,

Since by the force of law I won my ends

And kept my promise. Equal laws I gave

To evil and to good, with even hand

Drawing straight justice for the lot of each.

But had another held the goad as

One in whose heart was guile and greediness,

He had not kept the people back from strife.

For had I granted, now what pleased the one,

Then what their foes devised in counterpoise,

Of many a man this state had been bereft.

Therefore I showed my might on every side,

Turning at bay like wolf among the hounds.


And again he reviles both parties for their grumblings in the

times that followed:


Nay, if one must lay blame where blame is due,

Wer't not for me, the people ne'er had set

Their eyes upon these blessings e'en in dreams:-

While greater men, the men of wealthier life,

Should praise me and should court me as their friend.


For had any other man, he says, received this exalted post,


He had not kept the people hack, nor ceased

Til he had robbed the richness of the milk.

But I stood forth a landmark in the midst,

And barred the foes from battle.


13


Such then, were Solon's reasons for his departure from the

country. After his retirement the city was still torn by divisions.

For four years, indeed, they lived in peace; but in the fifth year

after Solon's government they were unable to elect an Archon on

account of their dissensions, and again four years later they

elected no Archon for the same reason. Subsequently, after a similar

period had elapsed, Damasias was elected Archon; and he governed for

two years and two months, until he was forcibly expelled from his

office. After this, it was agreed, as a compromise, to elect ten

Archons, five from the Eupatridae, three from the Agroeci, and two

from the Demiurgi, and they ruled for the year following Damasias.

It is clear from this that the Archon was at the time the magistrate

who possessed the greatest power, since it is always in connexion with

this office that conflicts are seen to arise. But altogether they were

in a continual state of internal disorder. Some found the cause and

justification of their discontent in the abolition of debts, because

thereby they had been reduced to poverty; others were dissatisfied

with the political constitution, because it had undergone a

revolutionary change; while with others the motive was found in

personal rivalries among themselves. The parties at this time were

three in number. First there was the party of the Shore, led by

Megacles the son of Alcmeon, which was considered to aim at a moderate

form of government; then there were the men of the Plain, who

desired an oligarchy and were led by Lycurgus; and thirdly there

were the men of the Highlands, at the head of whom was Pisistratus,

who was looked on as an extreme democrat. This latter party was

reinforced by those who had been deprived of the debts due to them,

from motives of poverty, and by those who were not of pure descent,

from motives of personal apprehension. A proof of this is seen in

the fact that after the tyranny was overthrown a revision was made

of the citizen-roll, on the ground that many persons were partaking in

the franchise without having a right to it. The names given to the

respective parties were derived from the districts in which they

held their lands.


14


Pisistratus had the reputation of being an extreme democrat, and

he also had distinguished himself greatly in the war with Megara.

Taking advantage of this, he wounded himself, and by representing that

his injuries had been inflicted on him by his political rivals, he

persuaded the people, through a motion proposed by Aristion, to

grant him a bodyguard. After he had got these 'club-bearers', as

they were called, he made an attack with them on the people and seized

the Acropolis. This happened in the archonship of Comeas, thirty-one

years after the legislation of Solon. It is related that, when

Pisistratus asked for his bodyguard, Solon opposed the request, and

declared that in so doing he proved himself wiser than half the people

and braver than the rest,-wiser than those who did not see that

Pisistratus designed to make himself tyrant, and braver than those who

saw it and kept silence. But when all his words availed nothing he

carried forth his armour and set it up in front of his house, saying

that he had helped his country so far as lay in his power (he was

already a very old man), and that he called on all others to do the

same. Solon's exhortations, however, proved fruitless, and Pisistratus

assumed the sovereignty. His administration was more like a

constitutional government than the rule of a tyrant; but before his

power was firmly established, the adherents of Megacles and Lycurgus

made a coalition and drove him out. This took place in the

archonship of Hegesias, five years after the first establishment of

his rule. Eleven years later Megacles, being in difficulties in a

party struggle, again opened-negotiations with Pisistratus,

proposing that the latter should marry his daughter; and on these

terms he brought him back to Athens, by a very primitive and

simple-minded device. He first spread abroad a rumour that Athena

was bringing back Pisistratus, and then, having found a woman of great

stature and beauty, named Phye (according to Herodotus, of the deme of

Paeania, but as others say a Thracian flower-seller of the deme of

Collytus), he dressed her in a garb resembling that of the goddess and

brought her into the city with Pisistratus. The latter drove in on a

chariot with the woman beside him, and the inhabitants of the city,

struck with awe, received him with adoration.


15


In this manner did his first return take place. He did not, however,

hold his power long, for about six years after his return he was again

expelled. He refused to treat the daughter of Megacles as his wife,

and being afraid, in consequence, of a combination of the two opposing

parties, he retired from the country. First he led a colony to a place

called Rhaicelus, in the region of the Thermaic gulf; and thence he

passed to the country in the neighbourhood of Mt. Pangaeus. Here he

acquired wealth and hired mercenaries; and not till ten years had

elapsed did he return to Eretria and make an attempt to recover the

government by force. In this he had the assistance of many allies,

notably the Thebans and Lygdamis of Naxos, and also the Knights who

held the supreme power in the constitution of Eretria. After his

victory in the battle at Pallene he captured Athens, and when he had

disarmed the people he at last had his tyranny securely established,

and was able to take Naxos and set up Lygdamis as ruler there. He

effected the disarmament of the people in the following manner. He

ordered a parade in full armour in the Theseum, and began to make a

speech to the people. He spoke for a short time, until the people

called out that they could not hear him, whereupon he bade them come

up to the entrance of the Acropolis, in order that his voice might

be better heard. Then, while he continued to speak to them at great

length, men whom he had appointed for the purpose collected the arms

and locked them up in the chambers of the Theseum hard by, and came

and made a signal to him that it was done. Pisistratus accordingly,

when he had finished the rest of what he had to say, told the people

also what had happened to their arms; adding that they were not to

be surprised or alarmed, but go home and attend to their private

affairs, while he would himself for the future manage all the business

of the state.


16


Such was the origin and such the vicissitudes of the tyranny of

Pisistratus. His administration was temperate, as has been said

before, and more like constitutional government than a tyranny. Not

only was he in every respect humane and mild and ready to forgive

those who offended, but, in addition, he advanced money to the

poorer people to help them in their labours, so that they might make

their living by agriculture. In this he had two objects, first that

they might not spend their time in the city but might be scattered

over all the face of the country, and secondly that, being

moderately well off and occupied with their own business, they might

have neither the wish nor the time to attend to public affairs. At the

same time his revenues were increased by the thorough cultivation of

the country, since he imposed a tax of one tenth on all the produce.

For the same reasons he instituted the local justices,' and often made

expeditions in person into the country to inspect it and to settle

disputes between individuals, that they might not come into the city

and neglect their farms. It was in one of these progresses that, as

the story goes, Pisistratus had his adventure with the man of

Hymettus, who was cultivating the spot afterwards known as 'Tax-free

Farm'. He saw a man digging and working at a very stony piece of

ground, and being surprised he sent his attendant to ask what he got

out of this plot of land. 'Aches and pains', said the man; 'and that's

what Pisistratus ought to have his tenth of'. The man spoke without

knowing who his questioner was; but Pisistratus was so leased with his

frank speech and his industry that he granted him exemption from all

taxes. And so in matters in general he burdened the people as little

as possible with his government, but always cultivated peace and

kept them in all quietness. Hence the tyranny of Pisistratus was often

spoken of proverbially as 'the age of gold'; for when his sons

succeeded him the government became much harsher. But most important

of all in this respect was his popular and kindly disposition. In

all things he was accustomed to observe the laws, without giving

himself any exceptional privileges. Once he was summoned on a charge

of homicide before the Areopagus, and he appeared in person to make

his defence; but the prosecutor was afraid to present himself and

abandoned the case. For these reasons he held power long, and whenever

he was expelled he regained his position easily. The majority alike of

the upper class and of the people were in his favour; the former he

won by his social intercourse with them, the latter by the

assistance which he gave to their private purses, and his nature

fitted him to win the hearts of both. Moreover, the laws in

reference to tyrants at that time in force at Athens were very mild,

especially the one which applies more particularly to the

establishment of a tyranny. The law ran as follows: 'These are the

ancestral statutes of the ATHENIANs; if any persons shall make an

attempt to establish a tyranny, or if any person shall join in setting

up a tyranny, he shall lose his civic rights, both himself and his

whole house.'


17


Thus did Pisistratus grow old in the possession of power, and he

died a natural death in the archonship of Philoneos, three and

thirty years from the time at which he first established himself as

tyrant, during nineteen of which he was in possession of power; the

rest he spent in exile. It is evident from this that the story is mere

gossip which states that Pisistratus was the youthful favourite of

Solon and commanded in the war against Megara for the recovery of

Salamis. It will not harmonize with their respective ages, as any

one may see who will reckon up the years of the life of each of

them, and the dates at which they died. After the death of Pisistratus

his sons took up the government, and conducted it on the same

system. He had two sons by his first and legitimate wife, Hippias

and Hipparchus, and two by his Argive consort, Iophon and

Hegesistratus, who was surnamed Thessalus. For Pisistratus took a wife

from Argos, Timonassa, the daughter of a man of Argos, named Gorgilus;

she had previously been the wife of Archinus of Ambracia, one of the

descendants of Cypselus. This was the origin of his friendship with

the Argives, on account of which a thousand of them were brought

over by Hegesistratus and fought on his side in the battle at Pallene.

Some authorities say that this marriage took place after his first

expulsion from Athens, others while he was in possession of the

government.


18


Hippias and Hipparchus assumed the control of affairs on grounds

alike of standing and of age; but Hippias, as being also naturally

of a statesmanlike and shrewd disposition, was really the head of

the government. Hipparchus was youthful in disposition, amorous, and

fond of literature (it was he who invited to Athens Anacreon,

Simonides, and the other poets), while Thessalus was much junior in

age, and was violent and headstrong in his behaviour. It was from

his character that all the evils arose which befell the house. He

became enamoured of Harmodius, and, since he failed to win his

affection, he lost all restraint upon his passion, and in addition

to other exhibitions of rage he finally prevented the sister of

Harmodius from taking the part of a basket-bearer in the Panathenaic

procession, alleging as his reason that Harmodius was a person of

loose life. Thereupon, in a frenzy of wrath, Harmodius and

Aristogeiton did their celebrated deed, in conjunction with a number

of confederates. But while they were lying in wait for Hippias in

the Acropolis at the time of the Panathenaea (Hippias, at this moment,

was awaiting the arrival of the procession, while Hipparchus was

organizing its dispatch) they saw one of the persons privy to the plot

talking familiarly with him. Thinking that he was betraying them,

and desiring to do something before they were arrested, they rushed

down and made their attempt without waiting for the rest of their

confederates. They succeeded in killing Hipparchus near the

Leocoreum while he was engaged in arranging the procession, but ruined

the design as a whole; of the two leaders, Harmodius was killed on the

spot by the guards, while Aristogeiton was arrested, and perished

later after suffering long tortures. While under the torture he

accused many persons who belonged by birth to the most distinguished

families and were also personal friends of the tyrants. At first the

government could find no clue to the conspiracy; for the current

story, that Hippias made all who were taking part in the procession

leave their arms, and then detected those who were carrying secret

daggers, cannot be true, since at that time they did not bear arms

in the processions, this being a custom instituted at a later period

by the democracy. According to the story of the popular party,

Aristogeiton accused the friends of the tyrants with the deliberate

intention that the latter might commit an impious act, and at the same

time weaken themselves, by putting to death innocent men who were

their own friends; others say that he told no falsehood, but was

betraying the actual accomplices. At last, when for all his efforts he

could not obtain release by death, he promised to give further

information against a number of other persons; and, having induced

Hippias to give him his hand to confirm his word, as soon as he had

hold of it he reviled him for giving his hand to the murderer of his

brother, till Hippias, in a frenzy of rage, lost control of himself

and snatched out his dagger and dispatched him.


19


After this event the tyranny became much harsher. In consequence

of his vengeance for his brother, and of the execution and

banishment of a large number of persons, Hippias became a distrusted

and an embittered man. About three years after the death of

Hipparchus, finding his position in the city insecure, he set about

fortifying Munichia, with the intention of establishing himself there.

While he was still engaged on this work, however, he was expelled by

Cleomenes, king of Lacedaemon, in consequence of the Spartans being

continually incited by oracles to overthrow the tyranny. These oracles

were obtained in the following way. The Athenian exiles, headed by the

Alcmeonidae, could not by their own power effect their return, but

failed continually in their attempts. Among their other failures, they

fortified a post in Attica, Lipsydrium, above Mt. Parnes, and were

there joined by some partisans from the city; but they were besieged

by the tyrants and reduced to surrender. After this disaster the

following became a popular drinking song:


Ah! Lipsydrium, faithless friend!

Lo, what heroes to death didst send,

Nobly born and great in deed!

Well did they prove themselves at need

Of noble sires a noble seed.


Having failed, then, in very other method, they took the contract

for rebuilding the temple at Delphi, thereby obtaining ample funds,

which they employed to secure the help of the Lacedaemonians. All this

time the Pythia kept continually enjoining on the Lacedaemonians who

came to consult the oracle, that they must free Athens; till finally

she succeeded in impelling the Spartans to that step, although the

house of Pisistratus was connected with them by ties of hospitality.

The resolution of the Lacedaemonians was, however, at least equally

due to the friendship which had been formed between the house of

Pisistratus and Argos. Accordingly they first sent Anchimolus by sea

at the head of an army; but he was defeated and killed, through the

arrival of Cineas of Thessaly to support the sons of Pisistratus

with a force of a thousand horsemen. Then, being roused to anger by

this disaster, they sent their king, Cleomenes, by land at the head of

a larger force; and he, after defeating the Thessalian cavalry when

they attempted to intercept his march into Attica, shut up Hippias

within what was known as the Pelargic wall and blockaded him there

with the assistance of the Athenians. While he was sitting down before

the place, it so happened that the sons of the Pisistratidae were

captured in an attempt to slip out; upon which the tyrants capitulated

on condition of the safety of their children, and surrendered the

Acropolis to the Athenians, five days being first allowed them to

remove their effects. This took place in the archonship of

Harpactides, after they had held the tyranny for about seventeen years

since their father's death, or in all, including the period of their

father's rule, for nine-and-forty years.


20


After the overthrow of the tyranny, the rival leaders in the state

were Isagoras son of Tisander, a partisan of the tyrants, and

Cleisthenes, who belonged to the family of the Alcmeonidae.

Cleisthenes, being beaten in the political clubs, called in the people

by giving the franchise to the masses. Thereupon Isagoras, finding

himself left inferior in power, invited Cleomenes, who was united to

him by ties of hospitality, to return to Athens, and persuaded him

to 'drive out the pollution', a plea derived from the fact that the

Alcmeonidae were suppposed to be under the curse of pollution. On this

Cleisthenes retired from the country, and Cleomenes, entering Attica

with a small force, expelled, as polluted, seven hundred Athenian

families. Having effected this, he next attempted to dissolve the

Council, and to set up Isagoras and three hundred of his partisans

as the supreme power in the state. The Council, however, resisted, the

populace flocked together, and Cleomenes and Isagoras, with their

adherents, took refuge in the Acropolis. Here the people sat down

and besieged them for two days; and on the third they agreed to let

Cleomenes and all his followers de art, while they summoned

Cleisthenes and the other exiles back to Athens. When the people had

thus obtained the command of affairs, Cleisthenes was their chief

and popular leader. And this was natural; for the Alcmeonidae were

perhaps the chief cause of the expulsion of the tyrants, and for the

greater part of their rule were at perpetual war with them. But even

earlier than the attempts of the Alcmeonidae, one Cedon made an attack

on the tyrants; when there came another popular drinking song,

addressed to him:


Pour a health yet again, boy, to Cedon; forget not this duty to do,

If a health is an honour befitting the name of a good man and true.


21


The people, therefore, had good reason to place confidence in

Cleisthenes. Accordingly, now that he was the popular leader, three

years after the expulsion of the tyrants, in the archonship of

Isagoras, his first step was to distribute the whole population into

ten tribes in place of the existing four, with the object of

intermixing the members of the different tribes, and so securing

that more persons might have a share in the franchise. From this arose

the saying 'Do not look at the tribes', addressed to those who

wished to scrutinize the lists of the old families. Next he made the

Council to consist of five hundred members instead of four hundred,

each tribe now contributing fifty, whereas formerly each had sent a

hundred. The reason why he did not organize the people into twelve

tribes was that he might not have to use the existing division into

trittyes; for the four tribes had twelve trittyes, so that he would

not have achieved his object of redistributing the population in fresh

combinations. Further, he divided the country into thirty groups of

demes, ten from the districts about the city, ten from the coast,

and ten from the interior. These he called trittyes; and he assigned

three of them by lot to each tribe, in such a way that each should

have one portion in each of these three localities. All who lived in

any given deme he declared fellow-demesmen, to the end that the new

citizens might not be exposed by the habitual use of family names, but

that men might be officially described by the names of their demes;

and accordingly it is by the names of their demes that the Athenians

speak of one another. He also instituted Demarchs, who had the same

duties as the previously existing Naucrari,-the demes being made to

take the place of the naucraries. He gave names to the demes, some

from the localities to which they belonged, some from the persons

who founded them, since some of the areas no longer corresponded to

localities possessing names. On the other hand he allowed every one to

retain his family and clan and religious rites according to

ancestral custom. The names given to the tribes were the ten which the

Pythia appointed out of the hundred selected national heroes.


22


By these reforms the constitution became much more democratic than

that of Solon. The laws of Solon had been obliterated by disuse during

the period of the tyranny, while Cleisthenes substituted new ones with

the object of securing the goodwill of the masses. Among these was the

law concerning ostracism. Four year after the establishment of this

system, in the archonship of Hermocreon, they first imposed upon the

Council of Five Hundred the oath which they take to the present day.

Next they began to elect the generals by tribes, one from each

tribe, while the Polemarch was the commander of the whole army.

Then, eleven years later, in the archonship of Phaenippus they won the

battle of Marathon; and two years after this victory, when the

people had now gained self-confidence, they for the first time made

use of the law of ostracism. This had originally been passed as a

precaution against men in high office, because Pisistratus took

advantage of his position as a popular leader and general to make

himself tyrant; and the first person ostracized was one of his

relatives, Hipparchus son of Charmus, of the deme of Collytus, the

very person on whose account especially Cleisthenes had enacted the

law, as he wished to get rid of him. Hitherto, however, he had

escaped; for the Athenians, with the usual leniency of the

democracy, allowed all the partisans of the tyrants, who had not

joined in their evil deeds in the time of the troubles to remain in

the city; and the chief and leader of these was Hipparchus. Then in

the very next year, in the archonship of Telesinus, they for the first

time since the tyranny elected, tribe by tribe, the nine Archons by

lot out of the five hundred candidates selected by the demes, all

the earlier ones having been elected by vote; and in the same year

Megacles son of Hippocrates, of the deme of Alopece, was ostracized.

Thus for three years they continued to ostracize the friends of the

tyrants, on whose account the law had been passed; but in the

following year they began to remove others as well, including any

one who seemed to be more powerful than was expedient. The first

person unconnected with the tyrants who was ostracized was

Xanthippus son of Ariphron. Two years later, in the archonship of

Nicodemus, the mines of Maroneia were discovered, and the state made a

profit of a hundred talents from the working of them. Some persons

advised the people to make a distribution of the money among

themselves, but this was prevented by Themistocles. He refused to

say on what he proposed to spend the money, but he bade them lend it

to the hundred richest men in Athens, one talent to each, and then, if

the manner in which it was employed pleased the people, the

expenditure should be charged to the state, but otherwise the state

should receive the sum back from those to whom it was lent. On these

terms he received the money and with it he had a hundred triremes

built, each of the hundred individuals building one; and it was with

these ships that they fought the battle of Salamis against the

barbarians. About this time Aristides the son of Lysimachus was

ostracized. Three years later, however, in the archonship of

Hypsichides, all the ostracized persons were recalled, on account of

the advance of the army of Xerxes; and it was laid down for the future

that persons under sentence of ostracism must live between Geraestus

and Scyllaeum, on pain of losing their civic rights irrevocably.


23


So far, then, had the city progressed by this time, growing

gradually with the growth of the democracy; but after the Persian wars

the Council of Areopagus once more developed strength and assumed

the control of the state. It did not acquire this supremacy by

virtue of any formal decree, but because it had been the cause of

the battle of Salamis being fought. When the generals were utterly

at a loss how to meet the crisis and made proclamation that every

one should see to his own safety, the Areopagus provided a donation of

money, distributing eight drachmas to each member of the ships' crews,

and so prevailed on them to go on board. On these grounds people bowed

to its prestige; and during this period Athens was well

administered. At this time they devoted themselves to the

prosecution of the war and were in high repute among the Greeks, so

that the command by sea was conferred upon them, in spite of the

opposition of the Lacedaemonians. The leaders of the people during

this period were Aristides, of Lysimachus, and Themistocles, son of

Lysimachus, and Themistocles, son of Neocles, of whom the latter

appeared to devote himself to the conduct of war, while the former had

the reputation of being a clever statesman and the most upright man of

his time. Accordingly the one was usually employed as general, the

other as political adviser. The rebuilding of the fortifications

they conducted in combination, although they were political opponents;

but it was Aristides who, seizing the opportunity afforded by the

discredit brought upon the Lacedaemonians by Pausanias, guided the

public policy in the matter of the defection of the Ionian states from

the alliance with Sparta. It follows that it was he who made the first

assessment of tribute from the various allied states, two years

after the battle of Salamis, in the archonship of Timosthenes; and

it was he who took the oath of offensive and defensive alliance with

the Ionians, on which occasion they cast the masses of iron into the

sea.


24


After this, seeing the state growing in confidence and much wealth

accumulated, he advised the people to lay hold of the leadership of

the league, and to quit the country districts and settle in the

city. He pointed out to them that all would be able to gain a living

there, some by service in the army, others in the garrisons, others by

taking a part in public affairs; and in this way they would secure the

leadership. This advice was taken; and when the people had assumed the

supreme control they proceeded to treat their allies in a more

imperious fashion, with the exception of the Chians, Lesbians, and

Samians. These they maintained to protect their empire, leaving

their constitutions untouched, and allowing them to retain whatever

dominion they then possessed. They also secured an ample maintenance

for the mass of the population in the way which Aristides had

pointed out to them. Out of the proceeds of the tributes and the taxes

and the contributions of the allies more than twenty thousand

persons were maintained. There were 6,000 jurymen, 1,600 bowmen, 1,200

Knights, 500 members of the Council, 500 guards of the dockyards,

besides fifty guards in the Acropolis. There were some 700 magistrates

at home, and some 700 abroad. Further, when they subsequently went

to war, there were in addition 2,500 heavy-armed troops, twenty

guard-ships, and other ships which collected the tributes, with

crews amounting to 2,000 men, selected by lot; and besides these there

were the persons maintained at the Prytaneum, and orphans, and

gaolers, since all these were supported by the state.


25


Such was the way in which the people earned their livelihood. The

supremacy of the Areopagus lasted for about seventeen years after

the Persian wars, although gradually declining. But as the strength of

the masses increased, Ephialtes, son of Sophonides, a man with a

reputation for incorruptibility and public virtue, who had become

the leader of the people, made an attack upon that Council. First of

all he ruined many of its members by bringing actions against them

with reference to their administration. Then, in the archonship of

Conon, he stripped the Council of all the acquired prerogatives from

which it derived its guardianship of the constitution, and assigned

some of them to the Council of Five Hundred, and others to the

Assembly and the law-courts. In this revolution he was assisted by

Themistocles, who was himself a member of the Areopagus, but was

expecting to be tried before it on a charge of treasonable dealings

with Persia. This made him anxious that it should be overthrown, and

accordingly he warned Ephialtes that the Council intended to arrest

him, while at the same time he informed the Areopagites that he

would reveal to them certain persons who were conspiring to subvert

the constitution. He then conducted the representatives delegated by

the Council to the residence of Ephialtes, promising to show them

the conspirators who assembled there, and proceeded to converse with

them in an earnest manner. Ephialtes, seeing this, was seized with

alarm and took refuge in suppliant guise at the altar. Every one was

astounded at the occurrence, and presently, when the Council of Five

Hundred met, Ephialtes and Themistocles together proceeded to denounce

the Areopagus to them. This they repeated in similar fashion in the

Assembly, until they succeeded in depriving it of its power. Not

long afterwards, however, Ephialtes was assassinated by Aristodicus of

Tanagra. In this way was the Council of Areopagus deprived of its

guardianship of the state.


26


After this revolution the administration of the state became more

and more lax, in consequence of the eager rivalry of candidates for

popular favour. During this period the moderate party, as it happened,

had no real chief, their leader being Cimon son of Miltiades, who

was a comparatively young man, and had been late in entering public

life; and at the same time the general populace suffered great

losses by war. The soldiers for active service were selected at that

time from the roll of citizens, and as the generals were men of no

military experience, who owed their position solely to their family

standing, it continually happened that some two or three thousand of

the troops perished on an expedition; and in this way the best men

alike of the lower and the upper classes were exhausted.

Consequently in most matters of administration less heed was paid to

the laws than had formerly been the case. No alteration, however,

was made in the method of election of the nine Archons, except that

five years after the death of Ephialtes it was decided that the

candidates to be submitted to the lot for that office might be

selected from the Zeugitae as well as from the higher classes. The

first Archon from that class was Mnesitheides. Up to this time all the

Archons had been taken from the Pentacosiomedimni and Knights, while

the Zeugitae were confined to the ordinary magistracies, save where an

evasion of the law was overlooked. Four years later, in the archonship

of Lysicrates, thirty 'local justices', as they as they were called,

were re-established; and two years afterwards, in the archonship of

Antidotus, consequence of the great increase in the number of

citizens, it was resolved, on the motion of Pericles, that no one

should admitted to the franchise who was not of citizen birth by

both parents.


27


After this Pericles came forward as popular leader, having first

distinguished himself while still a young man by prosecuting Cimon

on the audit of his official accounts as general. Under his auspices

the constitution became still more democratic. He took away some of

the privileges of the Areopagus, and, above all, he turned the

policy of the state in the direction of sea power, which caused the

masses to acquire confidence in themselves and consequently to take

the conduct of affairs more and more into their own hands. Moreover,

forty-eight years after the battle of Salamis, in the archonship of

Pythodorus, the Peloponnesian war broke out, during which the populace

was shut up in the city and became accustomed to gain its livelihood

by military service, and so, partly voluntarily and partly

involuntarily, determined to assume the administration of the state

itself. Pericles was also the first to institute pay for service in

the law-courts, as a bid for popular favour to counterbalance the

wealth of Cimon. The latter, having private possessions on a regal

scale, not only performed the regular public services magnificently,

but also maintained a large number of his fellow-demesmen. Any

member of the deme of Laciadae could go every day to Cimon's house and

there receive a reasonable provision; while his estate was guarded

by no fences, so that any one who liked might help himself to the

fruit from it. Pericles' private property was quite unequal to this

magnificence and accordingly he took the advice of Damonides of Oia

(who was commonly supposed to be the person who prompted Pericles in

most of his measures, and was therefore subsequently ostracized),

which was that, as he was beaten in the matter of private possessions,

he should make gifts to the people from their own property; and

accordingly he instituted pay for the members of the juries. Some

critics accuse him of thereby causing a deterioration in the character

of the juries, since it was always the common people who put

themselves forward for selection as jurors, rather than the men of

better position. Moreover, bribery came into existence after this, the

first person to introduce it being Anytus, after his command at Pylos.

He was prosecuted by certain individuals on account of his loss of

Pylos, but escaped by bribing the jury.


28


So long, however, as Pericles was leader of the people, things

went tolerably well with the state; but when he was dead there was a

great change for the worse. Then for the first time did the people

choose a leader who was of no reputation among men of good standing,

whereas up to this time such men had always been found as leaders of

the democracy. The first leader of the people, in the very beginning

of things, was Solon, and the second was Pisistratus, both of them men

of birth and position. After the overthrow of the tyrants there was

Cleisthenes, a member of the house of the Alcmeonidae; and he had no

rival opposed to him after the expulsion of the party of Isagoras.

After this Xanthippus was the leader of the people, and Miltiades of

the upper class. Then came Themistocles and Aristides, and after

them Ephialtes as leader of the people, and Cimon son of Miltiades

of the wealthier class. Pericles followed as leader of the people, and

Thucydides, who was connected by marriage with Cimon, of the

opposition. After the death of Pericles, Nicias, who subsequently fell

in Sicily, appeared as leader of the aristocracy, and Cleon son of

Cleaenetus of the people. The latter seems, more than any one else, to

have been the cause of the corruption of the democracy by his wild

undertakings; and he was the first to use unseemly shouting and coarse

abuse on the Bema, and to harangue the people with his cloak girt up

short about him, whereas all his predecessors had spoken decently

and in order. These were succeeded by Theramenes son of Hagnon as

leader of the one party, and the lyre-maker Cleophon of the people. It

was Cleophon who first granted the twoobol donation for the theatrical

performances, and for some time it continued to be given; but then

Callicrates of Paeania ousted him by promising to add a third obol

to the sum. Both of these persons were subsequently condemned to

death; for the people, even if they are deceived for a time, in the

end generally come to detest those who have beguiled them into any

unworthy action. After Cleophon the popular leadership was occupied

successively by the men who chose to talk the biggest and pander the

most to the tastes of the majority, with their eyes fixed only on

the interests of the moment. The best statesmen at Athens, after those

of early times, seem to have been Nicias, Thucydides, and

Theramenes. As to Nicias and Thucydides, nearly every one agrees

that they were not merely men of birth and character, but also

statesmen, and that they ruled the state with paternal care. On the

merits of Theramenes opinion is divided, because it so happened that

in his time public affairs were in a very stormy state. But those

who give their opinion deliberately find him, not, as his critics

falsely assert, overthrowing every kind of constitution, but

supporting every kind so long as it did not transgress laws; thus

showing that he was able, as every good citizen should be, to live

under any form of constitution, while he refused to countenance

illegality and was its constant enemy.


29


So long as the fortune of the war continued even, the Athenians

preserved the democracy; but after the disaster in Sicily, when the

Lacedaemonians had gained the upper hand through their alliance with

the king of Persia, they were compelled to abolish the democracy and

establish in its place the constitution of the Four Hundred. The

speech recommending this course before the vote was made by

Melobius, and the motion was proposed by Pythodorus of Anaphlystus;

but the real argument which persuaded the majority was the belief that

the king of Persia was more likely to form an alliance with them if

the constitution were on an oligarchical basis. The motion of

Pythodorus was to the following effect. The popular Assembly was to

elect twenty persons, over forty years of age, who, in conjunction

with the existing ten members of the Committee of Public Safety, after

taking an oath that they would frame such measures as they thought

best for the state, should then prepare proposals for the public.

safety. In addition, any other person might make proposals, so that of

all the schemes before them the people might choose the best.

Cleitophon concurred with the motion of Pythodorus, but moved that the

committee should also investigate the ancient laws enacted by

Cleisthenes when he created the democracy, in order that they might

have these too before them and so be in a position to decide wisely;

his suggestion being that the constitution of Cleisthenes was not

really democratic, but closely akin to that of Solon. When the

committee was elected, their first proposal was that the Prytanes

should be compelled to put to the vote any motion that was offered

on behalf of the public safety. Next they abolished all indictments

for illegal proposals, all impeachments and pubic prosecutions, in

order that every Athenian should be free to give his counsel on the

situation, if he chose; and they decreed that if any person imposed

a fine on any other for his acts in this respect, or prosecuted him or

summoned him before the courts, he should, on an information being

laid against him, be summarily arrested and brought before the

generals, who should deliver him to the Eleven to be put to death.

After these preliminary measures, they drew up the constitution in the

following manner. The revenues of the state were not to be spent on

any purpose except the war. All magistrates should serve without

remuneration for the period of the war, except the nine Archons and

the Prytanes for the time being, who should each receive three obols a

day. The whole of the rest of the administration was to be

committed, for the period of the war, to those Athenians who were most

capable of serving the state personally or pecuniarily, to the

number of not less than five thousand. This body was to have full

powers, to the extent even of making treaties with whomsoever they

willed; and ten representatives, over forty years of age, were to be

elected from each tribe to draw up the list of the Five Thousand,

after taking an oath on a full and perfect sacrifice.


30


These were the recommendations of the committee; and when they had

been ratified the Five Thousand elected from their own number a

hundred commissioners to draw up the constitution. They, on their

appointment, drew up and produced the following recommendations. There

should be a Council, holding office for a year, consisting of men over

thirty years of age, serving without pay. To this body should belong

the Generals, the nine Archons, the Amphictyonic Registrar

(Hieromnemon), the Taxiarchs, the Hipparchs, the Phylarch, the

commanders of garrisons, the Treasurers of Athena and the other

gods, ten in number, the Hellenic Treasurers (Hellenotamiae), the

Treasurers of the other non-sacred moneys, to the number of twenty,

the ten Commissioners of Sacrifices (Hieropoei), and the ten

Superintendents of the mysteries. All these were to be appointed by

the Council from a larger number of selected candidates, chosen from

its members for the time being. The other offices were all to be

filled by lot, and not from the members of the Council. The Hellenic

Treasurers who actually administered the funds should not sit with the

Council. As regards the future, four Councils were to be created, of

men of the age already mentioned, and one of these was to be chosen by

lot to take office at once, while the others were to receive it in

turn, in the order decided by the lot. For this purpose the hundred

commissioners were to distribute themselves and all the rest as

equally as possible into four parts, and cast lots for precedence, and

the selected body should hold office for a year. They were to

administer that office as seemed to them best, both with reference

to the safe custody and due expenditure of the finances, and generally

with regard to all other matters to the best of their ability. If they

desired to take a larger number of persons into counsel, each member

might call in one assistant of his own choice, subject to the same

qualification of age. The Council was to sit once every five days,

unless there was any special need for more frequent sittings. The

casting of the lot for the Council was to be held by the nine Archons;

votes on divisions were to be counted by five tellers chosen by lot

from the members of the Council, and of these one was to be selected

by lot every day to act as president. These five persons were to

cast lots for precedence between the parties wishing to appear

before the Council, giving the first place to sacred matters, the

second to heralds, the third to embassies, and the fourth to all other

subjects; but matters concerning the war might be dealt with, on the

motion of the generals, whenever there was need, without balloting.

Any member of the Council who did not enter the Council-house at the

time named should be fined a drachma for each day, unless he was

away on leave of absence from the Council.


31


Such was the constitution which they drew up for the time to come,

but for the immediate present they devised the following scheme. There

should be a Council of Four Hundred, as in the ancient constitution,

forty from each tribe, chosen out of candidates of more than thirty

years of age, selected by the members of the tribes. This Council

should appoint the magistrates and draw up the form of oath which they

were to take; and in all that concerned the laws, in the examination

of official accounts, and in other matters generally, they might act

according to their discretion. They must, however, observe the laws

that might be enacted with reference to the constitution of the state,

and had no power to alter them nor to pass others. The generals should

be provisionally elected from the whole body of the Five Thousand, but

so soon as the Council came into existence it was to hold an

examination of military equipments, and thereon elect ten persons,

together with a secretary, and the persons thus elected should hold

office during the coming year with full powers, and should have the

right, whenever they desired it, of joining in the deliberations of

the Council. The Five thousand was also to elect a single Hipparch and

ten Phylarchs; but for the future the Council was to elect these

officers according to the regulations above laid down. No office,

except those of member of the Council and of general, might be held

more than once, either by the first occupants or by their

successors. With reference to the future distribution of the Four

Hundred into the four successive sections, the hundred commissioners

must divide them whenever the time comes for the citizens to join in

the Council along with the rest.


32


The hundred commissioners appointed by the Five Thousand drew up the

constitution as just stated; and after it had been ratified by the

people, under the presidency of Aristomachus, the existing Council,

that of the year of Callias, was dissolved before it had completed its

term of office. It was dissolved on the fourteenth day of the month

Thargelion, and the Four Hundred entered into office on the

twenty-first; whereas the regular Council, elected by lot, ought to

have entered into office on the fourteenth of Scirophorion. Thus was

the oligarchy established, in the archonship of Callias, just about

a hundred years after the expulsion of the tyrants. The chief

promoters of the revolution were Pisander, Antiphon, and Theramenes,

all of them men of good birth and with high reputations for ability

and judgement. When, however, this constitution had been

established, the Five Thousand were only nominally selected, and the

Four Hundred, together with the ten officers on whom full powers had

been conferred, occupied the Council-house and really administered the

government. They began by sending ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians

proposing a cessation of the war on the basis of the existing

Position; but as the Lacedaemonians refused to listen to them unless

they would also abandon the command of the sea, they broke off the

negotiations.


33


For about four months the constitution of the Four Hundred lasted,

and Mnasilochus held office as Archon of their nomination for two

months of the year of Theopompus, who was Archon for the remaining

ten. On the loss of the naval battle of Eretria, however, and the

revolt of the whole of Euboea except Oreum, the indignation of the

people was greater than at any of the earlier disasters, since they

drew far more supplies at this time from Euboea than from Attica

itself. Accordingly they deposed the Four Hundred and committed the

management of affairs to the Five Thousand, consisting of persons

Possessing a military equipment. At the same time they voted that

pay should not be given for any public office. The persons chiefly

responsible for the revolution were Aristocrates and Theramenes, who

disapproved of the action of the Four Hundred in retaining the

direction of affairs entirely in their own hands, and referring

nothing to the Five Thousand. During this period the constitution of

the state seems to have been admirable, since it was a time of war and

the franchise was in the hands of those who possessed a military

equipment.


34


The people, however, in a very short time deprived the Five Thousand

of their monopoly of the government. Then, six years after the

overthrow of the Four Hundred, in the archonship of Callias of Angele,

battle of Arginusae took place, of which the results were, first, that

the ten generals who had gained the victory were all condemned by a

single decision, owing to the people being led astray by persons who

aroused their indignation; though, as a matter of fact, some of the

generals had actually taken no part in the battle, and others were

themselves picked up by other vessels. Secondly, when the

Lacedaemonians proposed to evacuate Decelea and make peace on the

basis of the existing position, although some of the Athenians

supported this proposal, the majority refused to listen to them. In

this they were led astray by Cleophon, who appeared in the Assembly

drunk and wearing his breastplate, and prevented peace being made,

declaring that he would never accept peace unless the Lacedaemonians

abandoned their claims on all the cities allied with them. They

mismanaged their opportunity then, and in a very short time they

learnt their mistake. The next year, in the archonship of Alexias,

they suffered the disaster of Aegospotami, the consequence of which

was that Lysander became master of the city, and set up the Thirty

as its governors. He did so in the following manner. One of the

terms of peace stipulated that the state should be governed

according to 'the ancient constitution'. Accordingly the popular party

tried to preserve the democracy, while that part of the upper class

which belonged to the political clubs, together with the exiles who

had returned since the peace, aimed at an oligarchy, and those who

were not members of any club, though in other respects they considered

themselves as good as any other citizens, were anxious to restore

the ancient constitution. The latter class included Archinus,

Anytus, Cleitophon, Phormisius, and many others, but their most

prominent leader was Theramenes. Lysander, however, threw his

influence on the side of the oligarchical party, and the popular

Assembly was compelled by sheer intimidation to pass a vote

establishing the oligarchy. The motion to this effect was proposed

by Dracontides of Aphidna.


35


In this way were the Thirty established in power, in the

archonship of Pythodorus. As soon, however, as they were masters of

the city, they ignored all the resolutions which had been passed

relating to the organization of the constitution, but after appointing

a Council of Five Hundred and the other magistrates out of a

thousand selected candidates, and associating with themselves ten

Archons in Piraeus, eleven superintendents of the prison, and three

hundred 'lash-bearers' as attendants, with the help of these they kept

the city under their own control. At first, indeed, they behaved

with moderation towards the citizens and pretended to administer the

state according to the ancient constitution. In pursuance of this

policy they took down from the hill of Areopagus the laws of Ephialtes

and Archestratus relating to the Areopagite Council; they also

repealed such of the statutes of Solon as were obscure, and

abolished the supreme power of the law-courts. In this they claimed to

be restoring the constitution and freeing it from obscurities; as, for

instance, by making the testator free once for all to leave his

property as he pleased, and abolishing the existing limitations in

cases of insanity, old age, and undue female influence, in order

that no opening might be left for professional accusers. In other

matters also their conduct was similar. At first, then, they acted

on these lines, and they destroyed the professional accusers and those

mischievous and evil-minded persons who, to the great detriment of the

democracy, had attached themselves to it in order to curry favour with

it. With all of this the city was much pleased, and thought that the

Thirty were doing it with the best of motives. But so soon as they had

got a firmer hold on the city, they spared no class of citizens, but

put to death any persons who were eminent for wealth or birth or

character. Herein they aimed at removing all whom they had reason to

fear, while they also wished to lay hands on their possessions; and in

a short time they put to death not less than fifteen hundred persons.


36


Theramenes, however, seeing the city thus falling into ruin, was

displeased with their proceedings, and counselled them to cease such

unprincipled conduct and let the better classes have a share in the

government. At first they resisted his advice, but when his

proposals came to be known abroad, and the masses began to associate

themselves with him, they were seized with alarm lest he should make

himself the leader of the people and destroy their despotic power.

Accordingly they drew up a list of three thousand citizens, to whom

they announced that they would give a share in the constitution.

Theramenes, however, criticized this scheme also, first on the

ground that, while proposing to give all respectable citizens a

share in the constitution, they were actually giving it only to

three thousand persons, as though all merit were confined within

that number; and secondly because they were doing two inconsistent

things, since they made the government rest on the basis of force, and

yet made the governors inferior in strength to the governed.

However, they took no notice of his criticisms, and for a long time

put off the publication of the list of the Three Thousand and kept

to themselves the names of those who had been placed upon it; and

every time they did decide to publish it they proceeded to strike

out some of those who had been included in it, and insert others who

had been omitted.


37


Now when winter had set in, Thrasybulus and the exiles occupied

Phyle, and the force which the Thirty led out to attack them met

with a reverse. Thereupon the Thirty decided to disarm the bulk of the

population and to get rid of Theramenes; which they did in the

following way. They introduced two laws into the Council, which they

commanded it to pass; the first of them gave the Thirty absolute power

to put to death any citizen who was not included in the list of the

Three Thousand, while the second disqualified all persons from

participation in the franchise who should have assisted in the

demolition of the fort of Eetioneia, or have acted in any way

against the Four Hundred who had organized the previous oligarchy.

Theramenes had done both, and accordingly, when these laws were

ratified, he became excluded from the franchise and the Thirty had

full power to put him to death. Theramenes having been thus removed,

they disarmed all the people except the Three Thousand, and in every

respect showed a great advance in cruelty and crime. They also sent

ambassadors to Lacedaemonian to blacken the character of Theramenes

and to ask for help; and the Lacedaemonians, in answer to their

appeal, sent Callibius as military governor with about seven hundred

troops, who came and occupied the Acropolis.


38


These events were followed by the occupation of Munichia by the

exiles from Phyle, and their victory over the Thirty and their

partisans. After the fight the party of the city retreated, and next

day they held a meeting in the marketplace and deposed the Thirty, and

elected ten citizens with full powers to bring the war to a

termination. When, however, the Ten had taken over the government they

did nothing towards the object for which they were elected, but sent

envoys to Lacedaemonian to ask for help and to borrow money.

Further, finding that the citizens who possessed the franchise were

displeased at their proceedings, they were afraid lest they should

be deposed, and consequently, in order to strike terror into them

(in which design they succeeded), they arrested Demaretus, one of

the most eminent citizens, and put him to death. This gave them a firm

hold on the government, and they also had the support of Callibius and

his Peloponnesians, together with several of the Knights; for some

of the members of this class were the most zealous among the

citizens to prevent the return of the exiles from Phyle. When,

however, the party in Piraeus and Munichia began to gain the upper

hand in the war, through the defection of the whole populace to

them, the party in the city deposed the original Ten, and elected

another Ten, consisting of men of the highest repute. Under their

administration, and with their active and zealous cooperation, the

treaty of reconciliation was made and the populace returned to the

city. The most prominent members of this board were Rhinon of

Paeania and Phayllus of Acherdus, who, even before the arrival of

Pausanias, opened negotiations with the party in Piraeus, and after

his arrival seconded his efforts to bring about the return of the

exiles. For it was Pausanias, the king of the Lacedaemonians, who

brought the peace and reconciliation to a fulfillment, in

conjunction with the ten commissioners of arbitration who arrived

later from Lacedaemonian, at his own earnest request. Rhinon and his

colleagues received a vote of thanks for the goodwill shown by them to

the people, and though they received their charge under an oligarchy

and handed in their accounts under a democracy, no one, either of

the party that had stayed in the city or of the exiles that had

returned from the Piraeus, brought any complaint against them. On

the contrary, Rhinon was immediately elected general on account of his

conduct in this office.


39


This reconciliation was effected in the archonship of Eucleides,

on the following terms. All persons who, having remained in the city

during the troubles, were now anxious to leave it, were to be free

to settle at Eleusis, retaining their civil rights and possessing full

and independent powers of self-government, and with the free enjoyment

of their own personal property. The temple at Eleusis should be common

ground for both parties, and should be under the superintendence of

the Ceryces, and the Eumolpidae, according to primitive custom. The

settlers at Eleusis should not be allowed to enter Athens, nor the

people of Athens to enter Eleusis, except at the season of the

mysteries, when both parties should be free from these restrictions.

The secessionists should pay their share to the fund for the common

defence out of their revenues, just like all the other Athenians. If

any of the seceding party wished to take a house in Eleusis, the

people would help them to obtain the consent of the owner; but if they

could not come to terms, they should appoint three valuers on either

side, and the owner should receive whatever price they should appoint.

Of the inhabitants of Eleusis, those whom the secessionists wished

to remain should be allowed to do so. The list of those who desired to

secede should be made up within ten days after the taking of the oaths

in the case of persons already in the country, and their actual

departure should take place within twenty days; persons at present out

of the country should have the same terms allowed to them after

their return. No one who settled at Eleusis should be capable of

holding any office in Athens until he should again register himself on

the roll as a resident in the city. Trials for homicide, including all

cases in which one party had either killed or wounded another,

should be conducted according to ancestral practice. There should be a

general amnesty concerning past events towards all persons except

the Thirty, the Ten, the Eleven, and the magistrates in Piraeus; and

these too should be included if they should submit their accounts in

the usual way. Such accounts should be given by the magistrates in

Piraeus before a court of citizens rated in Piraeus, and by the

magistrates in the city before a court of those rated in the city.

On these terms those who wished to do so might secede. Each party

was to repay separately the money which it had borrowed for the war.

40


When the reconciliation had taken place on these terms, those who

had fought on the side of the Thirty felt considerable

apprehensions, and a large number intended to secede. But as they

put off entering their names till the last moment, as people will

do, Archinus, observing their numbers, and being anxious to retain

them as citizens, cut off the remaining days during which the list

should have remained open; and in this way many persons were compelled

to remain, though they did so very unwillingly until they recovered

confidence. This is one point in which Archinus appears to have

acted in a most statesmanlike manner, and another was his subsequent

prosecution of Thrasybulus on the charge of illegality, for a motion

by which he proposed to confer the franchise on all who had taken part

in the return from Piraeus, although some of them were notoriously

slaves. And yet a third such action was when one of the returned

exiles began to violate the amnesty, whereupon Archinus haled him to

the Council and persuaded them to execute him without trial, telling

them that now they would have to show whether they wished to

preserve the democracy and abide by the oaths they had taken; for if

they let this man escape they would encourage others to imitate him,

while if they executed him they would make an example for all to learn

by. And this was exactly what happened; for after this man had been

put to death no one ever again broke the amnesty. On the contrary, the

Athenians seem, both in public and in private, to have behaved in

the most unprecedentedly admirable and public-spirited way with

reference to the preceding troubles. Not only did they blot out all

memory of former offences, but they even repaid to the

Lacedaemonians out of the public purse the money which the Thirty

had borrowed for the war, although the treaty required each party, the

party of the city and the party of Piraeus, to pay its own debts

separately. This they did because they thought it was a necessary

first step in the direction of restoring harmony; but in other states,

so far from the democratic parties making advances from their own

possessions, they are rather in the habit of making a general

redistribution of the land. A final reconciliation was made with the

secessionists at Eleusis two years after the secession, in the

archonship of Xenaenetus.

41


This, however, took place at a later date; at the time of which we

are speaking the people, having secured the control of the state,

established the constitution which exists at the present day.

Pythodorus was Archon at the time, but the democracy seems to have

assumed the supreme power with perfect justice, since it had

effected its own return by its own exertions. This was the eleventh

change which had taken place in the constitution of Athens. The

first modification of the primaeval condition of things was when Ion

and his companions brought the people together into a community, for

then the people was first divided into the four tribes, and the

tribe-kings were created. Next, and first after this, having now

some semblance of a constitution, was that which took place in the

reign of Theseus, consisting in a slight deviation from absolute

monarchy. After this came the constitution formed under Draco, when

the first code of laws was drawn up. The third was that which followed

the civil war, in the time of Solon; from this the democracy took

its rise. The fourth was the tyranny of Pisistratus; the fifth the

constitution of Cleisthenes, after the overthrow of the tyrants, of

a more democratic character than that of Solon. The sixth was that

which followed on the Persian wars, when the Council of Areopagus

had the direction of the state. The seventh, succeeding this, was

the constitution which Aristides sketched out, and which Ephialtes

brought to completion by overthrowing the Areopagite Council; under

this the nation, misled by the demagogues, made the most serious

mistakes in the interest of its maritime empire. The eighth was the

establishment of the Four Hundred, followed by the ninth, the restored

democracy. The tenth was the tyranny of the Thirty and the Ten. The

eleventh was that which followed the return from Phyle and Piraeus;

and this has continued from that day to this, with continual

accretions of power to the masses. The democracy has made itself

master of everything and administers everything by its votes in the

Assembly and by the law-courts, in which it holds the supreme power.

Even the jurisdiction of the Council has passed into the hands of

the people at large; and this appears to be a judicious change,

since small bodies are more open to corruption, whether by actual

money or influence, than large ones. At first they refused to allow

payment for attendance at the Assembly; but the result was that people

did not attend. Consequently, after the Prytanes had tried many

devices in vain in order to induce the populace to come and ratify the

votes, Agyrrhius, in the first instance, made a provision of one

obol a day, which Heracleides of Clazomenae, nicknamed 'the king',

increased to two obols, and Agyrrhius again to three.


42


The present state of the constitution is as follows. The franchise

is open to all who are of citizen birth by both parents. They are

enrolled among the demesmen at the age of eighteen. On the occasion of

their enrollment the demesmen give their votes on oath, first

whether the candidates appear to be of the age prescribed by the law

(if not, they are dismissed back into the ranks of the boys), and

secondly whether the candidate is free born and of such parentage as

the laws require. Then if they decide that he is not a free man, he

appeals to the law-courts, and the demesmen appoint five of their

own number to act as accusers; if the court decides that he has no

right to be enrolled, he is sold by the state as a slave, but if he

wins his case he has a right to be enrolled among the demesmen without

further question. After this the Council examines those who have

been enrolled, and if it comes to the conclusion that any of them is

less than eighteen years of age, it fines the demesmen who enrolled

him. When the youths (Ephebi) have passed this examination, their

fathers meet by their tribes, and appoint on oath three of their

fellow tribesmen, over forty years of age, who, in their opinion,

are the best and most suitable persons to have charge of the youths;

and of these the Assembly elects one from each tribe as guardian,

together with a director, chosen from the general body of Athenians,

to control the while. Under the charge of these persons the youths

first of all make the circuit of the temples; then they proceed to

Piraeus, and some of them garrison Munichia and some the south

shore. The Assembly also elects two trainers, with subordinate

instructors, who teach them to fight in heavy armour, to use the bow

and javelin, and to discharge a catapult. The guardians receive from

the state a drachma apiece for their keep, and the youths four obols

apiece. Each guardian receives the allowance for all the members of

his tribe and buys the necessary provisions for the common stock (they

mess together by tribes), and generally superintends everything. In

this way they spend the first year. The next year, after giving a

public display of their military evolutions, on the occasion when

the Assembly meets in the theatre, they receive a shield and spear

from the state; after which they patrol the country and spend their

time in the forts. For these two years they are on garrison duty,

and wear the military cloak, and during this time they are exempt from

all taxes. They also can neither bring an action at law, nor have

one brought against them, in order that they may have no excuse for

requiring leave of absence; though exception is made in cases of

actions concerning inheritances and wards of state, or of any

sacrificial ceremony connected with the family. When the two years

have elapsed they thereupon take their position among the other

citizens. Such is the manner of the enrollment of the citizens and the

training of the youths.


43


All the magistrates that are concerned with the ordinary routine

of administration are elected by lot, except the Military Treasurer,

the Commissioners of the Theoric fund, and the Superintendent of

Springs. These are elected by vote, and hold office from one

Panathenaic festival to the next. All military officers are also

elected by vote.

The Council of Five Hundred is elected by lot, fifty from each

tribe. Each tribe holds the office of Prytanes in turn, the order

being determined by lot; the first four serve for thirty-six days

each, the last six for thirty-five, since the reckoning is by lunar

years. The Prytanes for the time being, in the first place, mess

together in the Tholus, and receive a sum of money from the state

for their maintenance; and, secondly, they convene the meetings of the

Council and the Assembly. The Council they convene every day, unless

it is a holiday, the Assembly four times in each prytany. It is also

their duty to draw up the programme of the business of the Council and

to decide what subjects are to be dealt with on each particular da,

and where the sitting is to be held. They also draw up the programme

for the meetings of the Assembly. One of these in each prytany is

called the 'sovereign' Assembly; in this the people have to ratify the

continuance of the magistrates in office, if they are performing their

duties properly, and to consider the supply of corn and the defence of

the country. On this day, too, impeachments are introduced by those

who wish to do so, the lists of property confiscated by the state

are read, and also applications for inheritances and wards of state,

so that nothing may pass unclaimed without the cognizance of any

person concerned. In the sixth prytany, in addition to the business

already stated, the question is put to the vote whether it is

desirable to hold a vote of ostracism or not; and complaints against

professional accusers, whether Athenian or aliens domiciled in Athens,

are received, to the number of not more than three of either class,

together with cases in which an individual has made some promise to

the people and has not performed it. Another Assembly in each

prytany is assigned to the hearing of petitions, and at this meeting

any one is free, on depositing the petitioner's olive-branch, to speak

to the people concerning any matter, public or private. The two

remaining meetings are devoted to all other subjects, and the laws

require them to deal with three questions connected with religion,

three connected with heralds and embassies, and three on secular

subjects. Sometimes questions are brought forward without a

preliminary vote of the Assembly to take them into consideration.

Heralds and envoys appear first before the Prytanes, and the bearers

of dispatches also deliver them to the same officials.


44


There is a single President of the Prytanes, elected by lot, who

presides for a night and a day; he may not hold the office for more

than that time, nor may the same individual hold it twice. He keeps

the keys of the sanctuaries in which the treasures and public

records of the state are preserved, and also the public seal; and he

is bound to remain in the Tholus, together with one-third of the

Prytanes, named by himself. Whenever the Prytanes convene a meeting of

the Council or Assembly, he appoints by lot nine Proedri, one from

each tribe except that which holds the office of Prytanes for the time

being; and out of these nine he similarly appoints one as President,

and hands over the programme for the meeting to them. They take it and

see to the preservation of order, put forward the various subjects

which are to be considered, decide the results of the votings, and

direct the proceedings generally. They also have power to dismiss

the meeting. No one may act as President more than once in the year,

but he may be a Proedrus once in each prytany.

Elections to the offices of General and Hipparch and all other

military commands are held in the Assembly, in such manner as the

people decide; they are held after the sixth prytany by the first

board of Prytanes in whose term of office the omens are favourable.

There has, however, to be a preliminary consideration by the Council

in this case also.


45


In former times the Council had full powers to inflict fines and

imprisonment and death; but when it had consigned Lysimachus to the

executioner, and he was sitting in the immediate expectation of death,

Eumelides of Alopece rescued him from its hands, maintaining that no

citizen ought to be put to death except on the decision of a court

of law. Accordingly a trial was held in a law-court, and Lysimachus

was acquitted, receiving henceforth the nickname of 'the man from

the drum-head'; and the people deprived the Council thenceforward of

the power to inflict death or imprisonment or fine, passing a law that

if the Council condemn any person for an offence or inflict a fine,

the Thesmothetae shall bring the sentence or fine before the

law-court, and the decision of the jurors shall be the final judgement

in the matter.

The Council passes judgement on nearly all magistrates, especially

those who have the control of money; its judgement, however, is not

final, but is subject to an appeal to the lawcourts. Private

individuals, also, may lay an information against any magistrate

they please for not obeying the laws, but here too there is an

appeal to the law-courts if the Council declare the charge proved. The

Council also examines those who are to be its members for the

ensuing year, and likewise the nine Archons. Formerly the Council

had full power to reject candidates for office as unsuitable, but

now they have an appeal to the law-courts. In all these matters,

therefore, the Council has no final jurisdiction. It takes, however,

preliminary cognizance of all matters brought before the Assembly, and

the Assembly cannot vote on any question unless it has first been

considered by the Council and placed on the programme by the Prytanes;

since a person who carries a motion in the Assembly is liable to an

action for illegal proposal on these grounds.


46


The Council also superintends the triremes that are already in

existence, with their tackle and sheds, and builds new triremes or

quadriremes, whichever the Assembly votes, with tackle and sheds to

match. The Assembly appoints master-builders for the ships by vote;

and if they do not hand them over completed to the next Council, the

old Council cannot receive the customary donation-that being

normally given to it during its successor's term of office. For the

building of the triremes it appoints ten commissioners, chosen from

its own members. The Council also inspects all public buildings, and

if it is of opinion that the state is being defrauded, it reports

the culprit to the Assembly, and on condemnation hands him over to the

law-courts.


47


The Council also co-operates with other magistrates in most of their

duties. First there are the treasurers of Athena, ten in number,

elected by lot, one from each tribe. According to the law of

Solon-which is still in force-they must be Pentacosiomedimni, but in

point of fact the person on whom the lot falls holds the office even

though he be quite a poor man. These officers take over charge of

the statue of Athena, the figures of Victory, and all the other

ornaments of the temple, together with the money, in the presence of

the Council. Then there are the Commissioners for Public Contracts

(Poletae), ten in number, one chosen by lot from each tribe, who

farm out the public contracts. They lease the mines and taxes, in

conjunction with the Military Treasurer and the Commissioners of the

Theoric fund, in the presence of the Council, and grant, to the

persons indicated by the vote of the Council, the mines which are

let out by the state, including both the workable ones, which are

let for three years, and those which are let under special

agreements years. They also sell, in the presence of the Council,

the property of those who have gone into exile from the court of the

Areopagus, and of others whose goods have been confiscated, and the

nine Archons ratify the contracts. They also hand over to the

Council lists of the taxes which are farmed out for the year, entering

on whitened tablets the name of the lessee and the amount paid. They

make separate lists, first of those who have to pay their

instalments in each prytany, on ten several tablets, next of those who

pay thrice in the year, with a separate tablet for each instalment,

and finally of those who pay in the ninth prytany. They also draw up a

list of farms and dwellings which have been confiscated and sold by

order of the courts; for these too come within their province. In

the case of dwellings the value must be paid up in five years, and

in that of farms, in ten. The instalments are paid in the ninth

prytany. Further, the King-archon brings before the Council the leases

of the sacred enclosures, written on whitened tablets. These too are

leased for ten years, and the instalments are paid in the prytany;

consequently it is in this prytany that the greatest amount of money

is collected. The tablets containing the lists of the instalments

are carried into the Council, and the public clerk takes charge of

them. Whenever a payment of instalments is to be made he takes from

the pigeon-holes the precise list of the sums which are to be paid and

struck off on that day, and delivers it to the Receivers-General.

The rest are kept apart, in order that no sum may be struck off before

it is paid.


48


There are ten Receivers-General (Apodectae), elected by lot, one

from each tribe. These officers receive the tablets, and strike off

the instalments as they are paid, in the presence of the Council in

the Council-chamber, and give the tablets back to the public clerk. If

any one fails to pay his instalment, a note is made of it on the

tablet; and he is bound to pay double the amount of the deficiency,

or, in default, to be imprisoned. The Council has full power by the

laws to exact these payments and to inflict this imprisonment. They

receive all the instalments, therefore, on one day, and portion the

money out among the magistrates; and on the next day they bring up the

report of the apportionment, written on a wooden notice-board, and

read it out in the Council-chamber, after which they ask publicly in

the Council whether any one knows of any malpractice in reference to

the apportionment, on the part of either a magistrate or a private

individual, and if any one is charged with malpractice they take a

vote on it.

The Council also elects ten Auditors (Logistae) by lot from its

own members, to audit the accounts of the magistrates for each

prytany. They also elect one Examiner of Accounts (Euthunus) by lot

from each tribe, with two assessors (Paredri) for each examiner, whose

duty it is to sit at the ordinary market hours, each opposite the

statue of the eponymous hero of his tribe; and if any one wishes to

prefer a charge, on either public or private grounds, against any

magistrate who has passed his audit before the law-courts, within

three days of his having so passed, he enters on a whitened tablet his

own name and that of the magistrate prosecuted, together with the

malpractice that is alleged against him. He also appends his claim for

a penalty of such amount as seems to him fitting, and gives in the

record to the Examiner. The latter takes it, and if after reading it

he considers it proved he hands it over, if a private case, to the

local justices who introduce cases for the tribe concerned, while if

it is a public case he enters it on the register of the

Thesmothetae. Then, if the Thesmothetae accept it, they bring the

accounts of this magistrate once more before the law-court, and the

decision of the jury stands as the final judgement.


49


The Council also inspects the horses belonging to the state. If a

man who has a good horse is found to keep it in bad condition, he is

mulcted in his allowance of corn; while those which cannot keep up

or which shy and will not stand steady, it brands with a wheel on

the jaw, and the horse so marked is disqualified for service. It

also inspects those who appear to be fit for service as scouts, and

any one whom it rejects is deprived of his horse. It also examines the

infantry who serve among the cavalry, and any one whom it rejects

ceases to receive his pay. The roll of the cavalry is drawn up by

the Commissioners of Enrolment (Catalogeis), ten in number, elected by

the Assembly by open vote. They hand over to the Hipparchs and

Phylarchs the list of those whom they have enrolled, and these

officers take it and bring it up before the Council, and there open

the sealed tablet containing the names of the cavalry. If any of those

who have been on the roll previously make affidavit that they are

physically incapable of cavalry service, they strike them out; then

they call up the persons newly enrolled, and if any one makes

affidavit that he is either physically or pecuniarily incapable of

cavalry service they dismiss him, but if no such affidavit is made the

Council vote whether the individual in question is suitable for the

purpose or not. If they vote in the affirmative his name is entered on

the tablet; if not, he is dismissed with the others.

Formerly the Council used to decide on the plans for public

buildings and the contract for making the robe of Athena; but now this

work is done by a jury in the law-courts appointed by lot, since the

Council was considered to have shown favouritism in its decisions. The

Council also shares with the Military Treasurer the superintendence of

the manufacture of the images of Victory and the prizes at the

Panathenaic festival.

The Council also examines infirm paupers; for there is a law which

provides that persons possessing less than three minas, who are so

crippled as to be unable to do any work, are, after examination by the

Council, to receive two obols a day from the state for their

support. A treasurer is appointed by lot to attend to them.

The Council also, speaking broadly, cooperates in most of the duties

of all the other magistrates; and this ends the list of the

functions of that body.


50


There are ten Commissioners for Repairs of Temples, elected by

lot, who receive a sum of thirty minas from the Receivers-General, and

therewith carry out the most necessary repairs in the temples.

There are also ten City Commissioners (Astynomi), of whom five

hold office in Piraeus and five in the city. Their duty is to see that

female flute-and harp-and lute-players are not hired at more than

two drachmas, and if more than one person is anxious to hire the

same girl, they cast lots and hire her out to the person to whom the

lot falls. They also provide that no collector of sewage shall shoot

any of his sewage within ten stradia of the walls; they prevent people

from blocking up the streets by building, or stretching barriers

across them, or making drain-pipes in mid-air with a discharge into

the street, or having doors which open outwards; they also remove

the corpses of those who die in the streets, for which purpose they

have a body of state slaves assigned to them.


51


Market Commissioners (Agoranomi) are elected by lot, five for

Piraeus, five for the city. Their statutory duty is to see that all

articles offered for sale in the market are pure and unadulterated.

Commissioners of Weights and Measures (Metronomi) are elected by

lot, five for the city, and five for Piraeus. They see that sellers

use fair weights and measures.

Formerly there were ten Corn Commissioners (Sitophylaces), elected

by lot, five for Piraeus, and five for the city; but now there are

twenty for the city and fifteen for Piraeus. Their duties are,

first, to see that the unprepared corn in the market is offered for

sale at reasonable prices, and secondly, to see that the millers

sell barley meal at a price proportionate to that of barley, and

that the bakers sell their loaves at a price proportionate to that

of wheat, and of such weight as the Commissioners may appoint; for the

law requires them to fix the standard weight.

There are ten Superintendents of the Mart, elected by lot, whose

duty is to superintend the Mart, and to compel merchants to bring up

into the city two-thirds of the corn which is brought by sea to the

Corn Mart.


52


The Eleven also are appointed by lot to take care of the prisoners

in the state gaol. Thieves, kidnappers, and pickpockets are brought to

them, and if they plead guilty they are executed, but if they deny the

charge the Eleven bring the case before the law-courts; if the

prisoners are acquitted, they release them, but if not, they then

execute them. They also bring up before the law-courts the list of

farms and houses claimed as state-property; and if it is decided

that they are so, they deliver them to the Commissioners for Public

Contracts. The Eleven also bring up informations laid against

magistrates alleged to be disqualified; this function comes within

their province, but some such cases are brought up by the

Thesmothetae.

There are also five Introducers of Cases (Eisagogeis), elected by

lot, one for each pair of tribes, who bring up the 'monthly' cases

to the law-courts. 'Monthly' cases are these: refusal to pay up a

dowry where a party is bound to do so, refusal to pay interest on

money borrowed at 12 per cent., or where a man desirous of setting

up business in the market has borrowed from another man capital to

start with; also cases of slander, cases arising out of friendly loans

or partnerships, and cases concerned with slaves, cattle, and the

office of trierarch, or with banks. These are brought up as

'monthly' cases and are introduced by these officers; but the

Receivers-General perform the same function in cases for or against

the farmers of taxes. Those in which the sum concerned is not more

than ten drachmas they can decide summarily, but all above that amount

they bring into the law-courts as 'monthly' cases.


53


The Forty are also elected by lot, four from each tribe, before whom

suitors bring all other cases. Formerly they were thirty in number,

and they went on circuit through the demes to hear causes; but after

the oligarchy of the Thirty they were increased to forty. They have

full powers to decide cases in which the amount at issue does not

exceed ten drachmas, but anything beyond that value they hand over

to the Arbitrators. The Arbitrators take up the case, and, if they

cannot bring the parties to an agreement, they give a decision. If

their decision satisfies both parties, and they abide by it, the

case is at an end; but if either of the parties appeals to the

law-courts, the Arbitrators enclose the evidence, the pleadings, and

the laws quoted in the case in two urns, those of the plaintiff in the

one, and those of the defendant in the other. These they seal up

and, having attached to them the decision of the arbitrator, written

out on a tablet, place them in the custody of the four justices

whose function it is to introduce cases on behalf of the tribe of

the defendant. These officers take them and bring up the case before

the law-court, to a jury of two hundred and one members in cases up to

the value of a thousand drachmas, or to one of four hundred and one in

cases above that value. No laws or pleadings or evidence may be used

except those which were adduced before the Arbitrator, and have been

enclosed in the urns.

The Arbitrators are persons in the sixtieth year of their age;

this appears from the schedule of the Archons and the Eponymi. There

are two classes of Eponymi, the ten who give their names to the

tribes, and the forty-two of the years of service. The youths, on

being enrolled among the citizens, were formerly registered upon

whitened tablets, and the names were appended of the Archon in whose

year they were enrolled, and of the Eponymus who had been in course in

the preceding year; at the present day they are written on a bronze

pillar, which stands in front of the Council-chamber, near the Eponymi

of the tribes. Then the Forty take the last of the Eponymi of the

years of service, and assign the arbitrations to the persons belonging

to that year, casting lots to determine which arbitrations each

shall undertake; and every one is compelled to carry through the

arbitrations which the lot assigns to him. The law enacts that any one

who does not serve as Arbitrator when he has arrived at the

necessary age shall lose his civil rights, unless he happens to be

holding some other office during that year, or to be out of the

country. These are the only persons who escape the duty. Any one who

suffers injustice at the hands of the Arbitrator may appeal to the

whole board of Arbitrators, and if they find the magistrate guilty,

the law enacts that he shall lose his civil rights. The persons thus

condemned have, however, in their turn an appeal. The Eponymi are also

used in reference to military expeditions; when the men of military

age are despatched on service, a notice is put up stating that the men

from such-and such an Archon and Eponymus to such-and such another

Archon and Eponymus are to go on the expedition.


54


The following magistrates also are elected by lot: Five

Commissioners of Roads (Hodopoei), who, with an assigned body of

public slaves, are required to keep the roads in order: and ten

Auditors, with ten assistants, to whom all persons who have held any

office must give in their accounts. These are the only officers who

audit the accounts of those who are subject to examination, and who

bring them up for examination before the law-courts. If they detect

any magistrate in embezzlement, the jury condemn him for theft, and he

is obliged to repay tenfold the sum he is declared to have

misappropriated. If they charge a magistrate with accepting bribes and

the jury convict him, they fine him for corruption, and this sum too

is repaid tenfold. Or if they convict him of unfair dealing, he is

fined on that charge, and the sum assessed is paid without increase,

if payment is made before the ninth prytany, but otherwise it is

doubled. A tenfold fine is not doubled.

The Clerk of the prytany, as he is called, is also elected by lot.

He has the charge of all public documents, and keeps the resolutions

which are passed by the Assembly, and checks the transcripts of all

other official papers and attends at the sessions of the Council.

Formerly he was elected by open vote, and the most distinguished and

trustworthy persons were elected to the post, as is known from the

fact that the name of this officer is appended on the pillars

recording treaties of alliance and grants of consulship and

citizenship. Now, however, he is elected by lot. There is, in

addition, a Clerk of the Laws, elected by lot, who attends at the

sessions of the Council; and he too checks the transcript of all the

laws. The Assembly also elects by open vote a clerk to read

documents to it and to the Council; but he has no other duty except

that of reading aloud.

The Assembly also elects by lot the Commissioners of Public

Worship (Hieropoei) known as the Commissioners for Sacrifices, who

offer the sacrifices appointed by oracle, and, in conjunction with the

seers, take the auspices whenever there is occasion. It also elects by

lot ten others, known as Annual Commissioners, who offer certain

sacrifices and administer all the quadrennial festivals except the

Panathenaea. There are the following quadrennial festivals: first that

of Delos (where there is also a sexennial festival), secondly the

Brauronia, thirdly the Heracleia, fourthly the Eleusinia, and

fifthly the Panathenaea; and no two of these are celebrated in the

same place. To these the Hephaestia has now been added, in the

archonship of Cephisophon.

An Archon is also elected by lot for Salamis, and a Demarch for

Piraeus. These officers celebrate the Dionysia in these two places,

and appoint Choregi. In Salamis, moreover, the name of the Archon is

publicly recorded.


55


All the foregoing magistrates are elected by lot, and their powers

are those which have been stated. To pass on to the nine Archons, as

they are called, the manner of their appointment from the earliest

times has been described already. At the present day six

Thesmothetae are elected by lot, together with their clerk, and in

addition to these an Archon, a King, and a Polemarch. One is elected

from each tribe. They are examined first of all by the Council of Five

Hundred, with the exception of the clerk. The latter is examined

only in the lawcourt, like other magistrates (for all magistrates,

whether elected by lot or by open vote, are examined before entering

on their offices); but the nine Archons are examined both in the

Council and again in the law-court. Formerly no one could hold the

office if the Council rejected him, but now there is an appeal to

the law-court, which is the final authority in the matter of the

examination. When they are examined, they are asked, first, 'Who is

your father, and of what deme? who is your father's father? who is

your mother? who is your mother's father, and of what deme?' Then

the candidate is asked whether he possesses an ancestral Apollo and

a household Zeus, and where their sanctuaries are; next if he

possesses a family tomb, and where; then if he treats his parents

well, and pays his taxes, and has served on the required military

expeditions. When the examiner has put these questions, he proceeds,

'Call the witnesses to these facts'; and when the candidate has

produced his witnesses, he next asks, 'Does any one wish to make any

accusation against this man?' If an accuser appears, he gives the

parties an opportunity of making their accusation and defence, and

then puts it to the Council to pass the candidate or not, and to the

law-court to give the final vote. If no one wishes to make an

accusation, he proceeds at once to the vote. Formerly a single

individual gave the vote, but now all the members are obliged to

vote on the candidates, so that if any unprincipled candidate has

managed to get rid of his accusers, it may still be possible for him

to be disqualified before the law-court. When the examination has been

thus completed, they proceed to the stone on which are the pieces of

the victims, and on which the Arbitrators take oath before declaring

their decisions, and witnesses swear to their testimony. On this stone

the Archons stand, and swear to execute their office uprightly and

according to the laws, and not to receive presents in respect of the

performance of their duties, or, if they do, to dedicate a golden

statue. When they have taken this oath they proceed to the

Acropolis, and there they repeat it; after this they enter upon

their office.


56


The Archon, the King, and the Polemarch have each two assessors,

nominated by themselves. These officers are examined in the lawcourt

before they begin to act, and give in accounts on each occasion of

their acting.

As soon as the Archon enters office, he begins by issuing a

proclamation that whatever any one possessed before he entered into

office, that he shall possess and hold until the end of his term. Next

he assigns Choregi to the tragic poets, choosing three of the

richest persons out of the whole body of Athenians. Formerly he used

also to assign five Choregi to the comic poets, but now the tribes

provide the Choregi for them. Then he receives the Choregi who have

been appointed by the tribes for the men's and boys' choruses and

the comic poets at the Dionysia, and for the men's and boys'

choruses at the Thargelia (at the Dionysia there is a chorus for

each tribe, but at the Thargelia one between two tribes, each tribe

bearing its share in providing it); he transacts the exchanges of

properties for them, and reports any excuses that are tendered, if any

one says that he has already borne this burden, or that he is exempt

because he has borne a similar burden and the period of his

exemption has not yet expired, or that he is not of the required

age; since the Choregus of a boys' chorus must be over forty years

of age. He also appoints Choregi for the festival at Delos, and a

chief of the mission for the thirty-oar boat which conveys the

youths thither. He also superintends sacred processions, both that

in honour of Asclepius, when the initiated keep house, and that of the

great Dionysia-the latter in conjunction with the Superintendents of

that festival. These officers, ten in number, were formerly elected by

open vote in the Assembly, and used to provide for the expenses of the

procession out of their private means; but now one is elected by lot

from each tribe, and the state contributes a hundred minas for the

expenses. The Archon also superintends the procession at the

Thargelia, and that in honour of Zeus the Saviour. He also manages the

contests at the Dionysia and the Thargelia.

These, then, are the festivals which he superintends. The suits

and indictments which come before him, and which he, after a

preliminary inquiry, brings up before the lawcourts, are as follows.

Injury to parents (for bringing these actions the prosecutor cannot

suffer any penalty); injury to orphans (these actions lie against

their guardians); injury to a ward of state (these lie against their

guardians or their husbands), injury to an orphan's estate (these

too lie against the guardians); mental derangement, where a party

charges another with destroying his own property through unsoundness

of mind; for appointment of liquidators, where a party refuses to

divide property in which others have a share; for constituting a

wardship; for determining between rival claims to a wardship; for

granting inspection of property to which another party lays claim; for

appointing oneself as guardian; and for determining disputes as to

inheritances and wards of state. The Archon also has the care of

orphans and wards of state, and of women who, on the death of their

husbands, declare themselves to be with child; and he has power to

inflict a fine on those who offend against the persons under his

charge, or to bring the case before the law-courts. He also leases the

houses of orphans and wards of state until they reach the age of

fourteen, and takes mortgages on them; and if the guardians fail to

provide the necessary food for the children under their charge, he

exacts it from them. Such are the duties of the Archon.


57


The King in the first place superintends the mysteries, in

conjunction with the Superintendents of Mysteries. The latter are

elected in the Assembly by open vote, two from the general body of

Athenians, one from the Eumolpidae, and one from the Ceryces. Next, he

superintends the Lenaean Dionysia, which consists of a procession

and a contest. The procession is ordered by the King and the

Superintendents in conjunction; but the contest is managed by the King

alone. He also manages all the contests of the torch-race; and to

speak broadly, he administers all the ancestral sacrifices.

Indictments for impiety come before him, or any disputes between

parties concerning priestly rites; and he also determines all

controversies concerning sacred rites for the ancient families and the

priests. All actions for homicide come before him, and it is he that

makes the proclamation requiring polluted persons to keep away from

sacred ceremonies. Actions for homicide and wounding are heard, if the

homicide or wounding be willful, in the Areopagus; so also in cases of

killing by poison, and of arson. These are the only cases heard by

that Council. Cases of unintentional homicide, or of intent to kill,

or of killing a slave or a resident alien or a foreigner, are heard by

the court of Palladium. When the homicide is acknowledged, but legal

justification is pleaded, as when a man takes an adulterer in the act,

or kills another by mistake in battle, or in an athletic contest,

the prisoner is tried in the court of Delphinium. If a man who is in

banishment for a homicide which admits of reconcilliation incurs a

further charge of killing or wounding, he is tried in Phreatto, and he

makes his defence from a boat moored near the shore. All these

cases, except those which are heard in the Areopagus, are tried by the

Ephetae on whom the lot falls. The King introduces them, and the

hearing is held within sacred precincts and in the open air.

Whenever the King hears a case he takes off his crown. The person

who is charged with homicide is at all other times excluded from the

temples, nor is it even lawful for him to enter the market-place;

but on the occasion of his trial he enters the temple and makes his

defence. If the actual offender is unknown, the writ runs against 'the

doer of the deed'. The King and the tribe-kings also hear the cases in

which the guilt rests on inanimate objects and the lower animal.

58


The Polemarch performs the sacrifices to Artemis the huntress and to

Enyalius, and arranges the contest at the funeral of those who have

fallen in war, and makes offerings to the memory of Harmodius and

Aristogeiton. Only private actions come before him, namely those in

which resident aliens, both ordinary and privileged, and agents of

foreign states are concerned. It is his duty to receive these cases

and divide them into ten groups, and assign to each tribe the group

which comes to it by lot; after which the magistrates who introduce

cases for the tribe hand them over to the Arbitrators. The

Polemarch, however, brings up in person cases in which an alien is

charged with deserting his patron or neglecting to provide himself

with one, and also of inheritances and wards of state where aliens are

concerned; and in fact, generally, whatever the Archon does for

citizens, the Polemarch does for aliens.


59


The Thesmothetae in the first place have the power of prescribing on

what days the lawcourts are to sit, and next of assigning them to

the several magistrates; for the latter must follow the arrangement

which the Thesmothetae assign. Moreover they introduce impeachments

before the Assembly, and bring up all votes for removal from office,

challenges of a magistrate's conduct before the Assembly,

indictments for illegal proposals, or for proposing a law which is

contrary to the interests of the state, complaints against Proedri

or their president for their conduct in office, and the accounts

presented by the generals. All indictments also come before them in

which a deposit has to be made by the prosecutor, namely,

indictments for concealment of foreign origin, for corrupt evasion

of foreign origin (when a man escapes the disqualification by

bribery), for blackmailing accusations, bribery, false entry of

another as a state debtor, false testimony to the service of a

summons, conspiracy to enter a man as a state debtor, corrupt

removal from the list of debtors, and adultery. They also bring up the

examinations of all magistrates, and the rejections by the demes and

the condemnations by the Council. Moreover they bring up certain

private suits in cases of merchandise and mines, or where a slave

has slandered a free man. It is they also who cast lots to assign

the courts to the various magistrates, whether for private or public

cases. They ratify commercial treaties, and bring up the cases which

arise out of such treaties; and they also bring up cases of perjury

from the Areopagus. The casting of lots for the jurors is conducted by

all the nine Archons, with the clerk to the Thesmothetae as the tenth,

each performing the duty for his own tribe. Such are the duties of the

nine Archons.


60


There are also ten Commissioners of Games (Athlothetae), elected

by lot, one from each tribe. These officers, after passing an

examination, serve for four years; and they manage the Panathenaic

procession, the contest in music and that in gymnastic, and the

horse-race; they also provide the robe of Athena and, in conjunction

with the Council, the vases, and they present the oil to the athletes.

This oil is collected from the sacred olives. The Archon

requisitions it from the owners of the farms on which the sacred

olives grow, at the rate of three-quarters of a pint from each

plant. Formerly the state used to sell the fruit itself, and if any

one dug up or broke down one of the sacred olives, he was tried by the

Council of Areopagus, and if he was condemned, the penalty was

death. Since, however, the oil has been paid by the owner of the farm,

the procedure has lapsed, though the law remains; and the oil is a

state charge upon the property instead of being taken from the

individual plants. When, then, the Archon has collected the oil for

his year of office, he hands it over to the Treasurers to preserve

in the Acropolis, and he may not take his seat in the Areopagus

until he has paid over to the Treasurers the full amount. The

Treasurers keep it in the Acropolis until the Panathenaea, when they

measure it out to the Commissioners of Games, and they again to the

victorious competitors. The prizes for the victors in the musical

contest consist of silver and gold, for the victors in manly vigour,

of shields, and for the victors in the gymnastic contest and the

horse-race, of oil.


61


All officers connected with military service are elected by open

vote. In the first place, ten Generals (Strategi), who were formerly

elected one from each tribe, but now are chosen from the whole mass of

citizens. Their duties are assigned to them by open vote; one is

appointed to command the heavy infantry, and leads them if they go out

to war; one to the defence of the country, who remains on the

defensive, and fights if there is war within the borders of the

country; two to Piraeus, one of whom is assigned to Munichia, and

one to the south shore, and these have charge of the defence of the

Piraeus; and one to superintend the symmories, who nominates the

trierarchs arranges exchanges of properties for them, and brings up

actions to decide on rival claims in connexion with them. The rest are

dispatched to whatever business may be on hand at the moment. The

appointment of these officers is submitted for confirmation in each

prytany, when the question is put whether they are considered to be

doing their duty. If any officer is rejected on this vote, he is tried

in the lawcourt, and if he is found guilty the people decide what

punishment or fine shall be inflicted on him; but if he is acquitted

he resumes his office. The Generals have full power, when on active

service, to arrest any one for insubordination, or to cashier him

publicly, or to inflict a fine; the latter is, however, unusual.

There are also ten Taxiarchs, one from each tribe, elected by open

vote; and each commands his own tribesmen and appoints captains of

companies (Lochagi). There are also two Hipparchs, elected by open

vote from the whole mass of the citizens, who command the cavalry,

each taking five tribes. They have the same powers as the Generals

have in respect of the infantry, and their appointments are also

subject to confirmation. There are also ten Phylarchs, elected by open

vote, one from each tribe, to command the cavalry, as the Taxiarchs do

the infantry. There is also a Hipparch for Lemnos, elected by open

vote, who has charge of the cavalry in Lemnos. There is also a

treasurer of the Paralus, and another of the Ammonias, similarly

elected.


62


Of the magistrates elected by lot, in former times some including

the nine Archons, were elected out of the tribe as a whole, while

others, namely those who are now elected in the Theseum, were

apportioned among the demes; but since the demes used to sell the

elections, these magistrates too are now elected from the whole tribe,

except the members of the Council and the guards of the dockyards, who

are still left to the demes.

Pay is received for the following services. First the members of the

Assembly receive a drachma for the ordinary meetings, and nine obols

for the 'sovereign' meeting. Then the jurors at the law-courts receive

three obols; and the members of the Council five obols. They

Prytanes receive an allowance of an obol for their maintenance. The

nine Archons receive four obols apiece for maintenance, and also

keep a herald and a flute-player; and the Archon for Salamis

receives a drachma a day. The Commissioners for Games dine in the

Prytaneum during the month of Hecatombaeon in which the Panathenaic

festival takes place, from the fourteenth day onwards. The

Amphictyonic deputies to Delos receive a drachma a day from the

exchequer of Delos. Also all magistrates sent to Samos, Scyros,

Lemnos, or Imbros receive an allowance for their maintenance. The

military offices may be held any number of times, but none of the

others more than once, except the membership of the Council, which may

be held twice.


63


The juries for the law-courts are chosen by lot by the nine Archons,

each for their own tribe, and by the clerk to the Thesmothetae for the

tenth. There are ten entrances into the courts, one for each tribe;

twenty rooms in which the lots are drawn, two for each tribe; a

hundred chests, ten for each tribe; other chests, in which are

placed the tickets of the jurors on whom the lot falls; and two vases.

Further, staves, equal in number to the jurors required, are placed by

the side of each entrance; and counters are put into one vase, equal

in number to the staves. These are inscribed with letters of the

alphabet beginning with the eleventh (lambda), equal in number to

the courts which require to be filled. All persons above thirty

years of age are qualified to serve as jurors, provided they are not

debtors to the state and have not lost their civil rights. If any

unqualified person serves as juror, an information is laid against

him, and he is brought before the court; and, if he is convicted,

the jurors assess the punishment or fine which they consider him to

deserve. If he is condemned to a money fine, he must be imprisoned

until he has paid up both the original debt, on account of which the

information was laid against him, and also the fine which the court as

imposed upon him. Each juror has his ticket of boxwood, on which is

inscribed his name, with the name of his father and his deme, and

one of the letters of the alphabet up to kappa; for the jurors in

their several tribes are divided into ten sections, with approximately

an equal number in each letter. When the Thesmothetes has decided by

lot which letters are required to attend at the courts, the servant

puts up above each court the letter which has been assigned to it by

the lot.


64


The ten chests above mentioned are placed in front of the entrance

used by each tribe, and are inscribed with the letters of the alphabet

from alpha to kappa. The jurors cast in their tickets, each into the

chest on which is inscribed the letter which is on his ticket; then

the servant shakes them all up, and the Archon draws one ticket from

each chest. The individual so selected is called the Ticket-hanger

(Empectes), and his function is to hang up the tickets out of his

chest on the bar which bears the same letter as that on the chest.

He is chosen by lot, lest, if the Ticket-hanger were always the same

person, he might tamper with the results. There are five of these bars

in each of the rooms assigned for the lot-drawing. Then the Archon

casts in the dice and thereby chooses the jurors from each tribe, room

by room. The dice are made of brass, coloured black or white; and

according to the number of jurors required, so many white dice are put

in, one for each five tickets, while the remainder are black, in the

same proportion. As the Archon draws out the dice, the crier calls out

the names of the individuals chosen. The Ticket-hanger is included

among those selected. Each juror, as he is chosen and answers to his

name, draws a counter from the vase, and holding it out with the

letter uppermost shows it first to the presiding Archon; and he,

when he has seen it, throws the ticket of the juror into the chest

on which is inscribed the letter which is on the counter, so that

the juror must go into the court assigned to him by lot, and not

into one chosen by himself, and that it may be impossible for any

one to collect the jurors of his choice into any particular court. For

this purpose chests are placed near the Archon, as many in number as

there are courts to be filled that day, bearing the letters of the

courts on which the lot has fallen.


65


The juror thereupon, after showing his counter again to the

attendant, passes through the barrier into the court. The attendant

gives him a staff of the same colour as the court bearing the letter

which is on his counter, so as to ensure his going into the court

assigned to him by lot; since, if he were to go into any other, he

would be betrayed by the colour of his staff. Each court has a certain

colour painted on the lintel of the entrance. Accordingly the juror,

bearing his staff, enters the court which has the same colour as his

staff, and the same letter as his counter. As he enters, he receives a

voucher from the official to whom this duty has been assigned by

lot. So with their counters and their staves the selected jurors

take their seats in the court, having thus completed the process of

admission. The unsuccessful candidates receive back their tickets from

the Ticket-hangers. The public servants carry the chests from each

tribe, one to each court, containing the names of the members of the

tribe who are in that court, and hand them over to the officials

assigned to the duty of giving back their tickets to the jurors in

each court, so that these officials may call them up by name and pay

them their fee.


66


When all the courts are full, two ballot boxes are placed in the

first court, and a number of brazen dice, bearing the colours of the

several courts, and other dice inscribed with the names of the

presiding magistrates. Then two of the Thesmothetae, selected by

lot, severally throw the dice with the colours into one box, and those

with the magistrates' names into the other. The magistrate whose

name is first drawn is thereupon proclaimed by the crier as assigned

for duty in the court which is first drawn, and the second in the

second, and similarly with the rest. The object of this procedure is

that no one may know which court he will have, but that each may

take the court assigned to him by lot.

When the jurors have come in, and have been assigned to their

respective courts, the presiding magistrate in each court draws one

ticket out of each chest (making ten in all, one out of each tribe),

and throws them into another empty chest. He then draws out five of

them, and assigns one to the superintendence of the water-clock, and

the other four to the telling of the votes. This is to prevent any

tampering beforehand with either the superintendent of the clock or

the tellers of the votes, and to secure that there is no malpractice

in these respects. The five who have not been selected for these

duties receive from them a statement of the order in which the

jurors shall receive their fees, and of the places where the several

tribes shall respectively gather in the court for this purpose when

their duties are completed; the object being that the jurors may be

broken up into small groups for the reception of their pay, and not

all crowd together and impede one another.


67


These preliminaries being concluded, the cases are called on. If

it is a day for private cases, the private litigants are called.

Four cases are taken in each of the categories defined in the law, and

the litigants swear to confine their speeches to the point at issue.

If it is a day for public causes, the public litigants are called, and

only one case is tried. Water-clocks are provided, having small

supply-tubes, into which the water is poured by which the length of

the pleadings is regulated. Ten gallons are allowed for a case in

which an amount of more than five thousand drachmas is involved, and

three for the second speech on each side. When the amount is between

one and five thousand drachmas, seven gallons are allowed for the

first speech and two for the second; when it is less than one

thousand, five and two. Six gallons are allowed for arbitrations

between rival claimants, in which there is no second speech. The

official chosen by lot to superintend the water-clock places his

hand on the supply tube whenever the clerk is about to read a

resolution or law or affidavit or treaty. When, however, a case is

conducted according to a set measurement of the day, he does not

stop the supply, but each party receives an equal allowance of

water. The standard of measurement is the length of the days in the

month Poseideon.... The measured day is employed in cases when

imprisonment, death, exile, loss of civil rights, or confiscation of

goods is assigned as the penalty.


68


Most of the courts consist of 500 members...; and when it is

necessary to bring public cases before a jury of 1,000 members, two

courts combine for the purpose, the most important cases of all are

brought 1,500 jurors, or three courts. The ballot balls are made of

brass with stems running through the centre, half of them having the

stem pierced and the other half solid. When the speeches are

concluded, the officials assigned to the taking of the votes give each

juror two ballot balls, one pierced and one solid. This is done in

full view of the rival litigants, to secure that no one shall

receive two pierced or two solid balls. Then the official designated

for the purpose takes away the jurors staves, in return for which each

one as he records his vote receives a brass voucher market with the

numeral 3 (because he gets three obols when he gives it up). This is

to ensure that all shall vote; since no one can get a voucher unless

he votes. Two urns, one of brass and the other of wood, stand in the

court, in distinct spots so that no one may surreptitiously insert

ballot balls; in these the jurors record their votes. The brazen urn

is for effective votes, the wooden for unused votes; and the brazen

urn has a lid pierced so as to take only one ballot ball, in order

that no one may put in two at a time.

When the jurors are about to vote, the crier demands first whether

the litigants enter a protest against any of the evidence; for no

protest can be received after the voting has begun. Then he

proclaims again, 'The pierced ballot for the plaintiff, the solid

for the defendant'; and the juror, taking his two ballot balls from

the stand, with his hand closed over the stem so as not to show either

the pierced or the solid ballot to the litigants, casts the one

which is to count into the brazen urn, and the other into the wooden

urn.


69


When all the jurors have voted, the attendants take the urn

containing the effective votes and discharge them on to a reckoning

board having as many cavities as there are ballot balls, so that the

effective votes, whether pierced or solid, may be plainly displayed

and easily counted. Then the officials assigned to the taking of the

votes tell them off on the board, the solid in one place and the

pierced in another, and the crier announces the numbers of the

votes, the pierced ballots being for the prosecutor and the solid

for the defendant. Whichever has the majority is victorious; but if

the votes are equal the verdict is for the defendant. Each juror

receives two ballots, and uses one to record his vote, and throws

the other away.

Then, if damages have to be awarded, they vote again in the same

way, first returning their pay-vouchers and receiving back their

staves. Half a gallon of water is allowed to each party for the

discussion of the damages. Finally, when all has been completed in

accordance with the law, the jurors receive their pay in the order

assigned by the lot.


THE END



350 BC

CATEGORIES

by Aristotle

translated by E. M. Edghill

1


Things are said to be named 'equivocally' when, though they have a

common name, the definition corresponding with the name differs for

each. Thus, a real man and a figure in a picture can both lay claim to

the name 'animal'; yet these are equivocally so named, for, though

they have a common name, the definition corresponding with the name

differs for each. For should any one define in what sense each is an

animal, his definition in the one case will be appropriate to that

case only.

On the other hand, things are said to be named 'univocally' which

have both the name and the definition answering to the name in common.

A man and an ox are both 'animal', and these are univocally so

named, inasmuch as not only the name, but also the definition, is

the same in both cases: for if a man should state in what sense each

is an animal, the statement in the one case would be identical with

that in the other.

Things are said to be named 'derivatively', which derive their

name from some other name, but differ from it in termination. Thus the

grammarian derives his name from the word 'grammar', and the

courageous man from the word 'courage'.

2


Forms of speech are either simple or composite. Examples of the

latter are such expressions as 'the man runs', 'the man wins'; of the

former 'man', 'ox', 'runs', 'wins'.

Of things themselves some are predicable of a subject, and are never

present in a subject. Thus 'man' is predicable of the individual

man, and is never present in a subject.

By being 'present in a subject' I do not mean present as parts are

present in a whole, but being incapable of existence apart from the

said subject.

Some things, again, are present in a subject, but are never

predicable of a subject. For instance, a certain point of

grammatical knowledge is present in the mind, but is not predicable of

any subject; or again, a certain whiteness may be present in the

body (for colour requires a material basis), yet it is never

predicable of anything.

Other things, again, are both predicable of a subject and present in

a subject. Thus while knowledge is present in the human mind, it is

predicable of grammar.

There is, lastly, a class of things which are neither present in a

subject nor predicable of a subject, such as the individual man or the

individual horse. But, to speak more generally, that which is

individual and has the character of a unit is never predicable of a

subject. Yet in some cases there is nothing to prevent such being

present in a subject. Thus a certain point of grammatical knowledge is

present in a subject.

3


When one thing is predicated of another, all that which is

predicable of the predicate will be predicable also of the subject.

Thus, 'man' is predicated of the individual man; but 'animal' is

predicated of 'man'; it will, therefore, be predicable of the

individual man also: for the individual man is both 'man' and

'animal'.

If genera are different and co-ordinate, their differentiae are

themselves different in kind. Take as an instance the genus 'animal'

and the genus 'knowledge'. 'With feet', 'two-footed', 'winged',

'aquatic', are differentiae of 'animal'; the species of knowledge

are not distinguished by the same differentiae. One species of

knowledge does not differ from another in being 'two-footed'.

But where one genus is subordinate to another, there is nothing to

prevent their having the same differentiae: for the greater class is

predicated of the lesser, so that all the differentiae of the

predicate will be differentiae also of the subject.

4


Expressions which are in no way composite signify substance,

quantity, quality, relation, place, time, position, state, action,

or affection. To sketch my meaning roughly, examples of substance

are 'man' or 'the horse', of quantity, such terms as 'two cubits long'

or 'three cubits long', of quality, such attributes as 'white',

'grammatical'. 'Double', 'half', 'greater', fall under the category of

relation; 'in a the market place', 'in the Lyceum', under that of

place; 'yesterday', 'last year', under that of time. 'Lying',

'sitting', are terms indicating position, 'shod', 'armed', state;

'to lance', 'to cauterize', action; 'to be lanced', 'to be

cauterized', affection.

No one of these terms, in and by itself, involves an affirmation; it

is by the combination of such terms that positive or negative

statements arise. For every assertion must, as is admitted, be

either true or false, whereas expressions which are not in any way

composite such as 'man', 'white', 'runs', 'wins', cannot be either

true or false.

5


Substance, in the truest and primary and most definite sense of

the word, is that which is neither predicable of a subject nor present

in a subject; for instance, the individual man or horse. But in a

secondary sense those things are called substances within which, as

species, the primary substances are included; also those which, as

genera, include the species. For instance, the individual man is

included in the species 'man', and the genus to which the species

belongs is 'animal'; these, therefore-that is to say, the species

'man' and the genus 'animal,-are termed secondary substances.

It is plain from what has been said that both the name and the

definition of the predicate must be predicable of the subject. For

instance, 'man' is predicted of the individual man. Now in this case

the name of the species man' is applied to the individual, for we

use the term 'man' in describing the individual; and the definition of

'man' will also be predicated of the individual man, for the

individual man is both man and animal. Thus, both the name and the

definition of the species are predicable of the individual.

With regard, on the other hand, to those things which are present in

a subject, it is generally the case that neither their name nor

their definition is predicable of that in which they are present.

Though, however, the definition is never predicable, there is

nothing in certain cases to prevent the name being used. For instance,

'white' being present in a body is predicated of that in which it is

present, for a body is called white: the definition, however, of the

colour white' is never predicable of the body.

Everything except primary substances is either predicable of a

primary substance or present in a primary substance. This becomes

evident by reference to particular instances which occur. 'Animal'

is predicated of the species 'man', therefore of the individual man,

for if there were no individual man of whom it could be predicated, it

could not be predicated of the species 'man' at all. Again, colour

is present in body, therefore in individual bodies, for if there

were no individual body in which it was present, it could not be

present in body at all. Thus everything except primary substances is

either predicated of primary substances, or is present in them, and if

these last did not exist, it would be impossible for anything else

to exist.

Of secondary substances, the species is more truly substance than

the genus, being more nearly related to primary substance. For if

any one should render an account of what a primary substance is, he

would render a more instructive account, and one more proper to the

subject, by stating the species than by stating the genus. Thus, he

would give a more instructive account of an individual man by

stating that he was man than by stating that he was animal, for the

former description is peculiar to the individual in a greater

degree, while the latter is too general. Again, the man who gives an

account of the nature of an individual tree will give a more

instructive account by mentioning the species 'tree' than by

mentioning the genus 'plant'.

Moreover, primary substances are most properly called substances

in virtue of the fact that they are the entities which underlie every.

else, and that everything else is either predicated of them or present

in them. Now the same relation which subsists between primary

substance and everything else subsists also between the species and

the genus: for the species is to the genus as subject is to predicate,

since the genus is predicated of the species, whereas the species

cannot be predicated of the genus. Thus we have a second ground for

asserting that the species is more truly substance than the genus.

Of species themselves, except in the case of such as are genera,

no one is more truly substance than another. We should not give a more

appropriate account of the individual man by stating the species to

which he belonged, than we should of an individual horse by adopting

the same method of definition. In the same way, of primary substances,

no one is more truly substance than another; an individual man is

not more truly substance than an individual ox.

It is, then, with good reason that of all that remains, when we

exclude primary substances, we concede to species and genera alone the

name 'secondary substance', for these alone of all the predicates

convey a knowledge of primary substance. For it is by stating the

species or the genus that we appropriately define any individual

man; and we shall make our definition more exact by stating the former

than by stating the latter. All other things that we state, such as

that he is white, that he runs, and so on, are irrelevant to the

definition. Thus it is just that these alone, apart from primary

substances, should be called substances.

Further, primary substances are most properly so called, because

they underlie and are the subjects of everything else. Now the same

relation that subsists between primary substance and everything else

subsists also between the species and the genus to which the primary

substance belongs, on the one hand, and every attribute which is not

included within these, on the other. For these are the subjects of all

such. If we call an individual man 'skilled in grammar', the predicate

is applicable also to the species and to the genus to which he

belongs. This law holds good in all cases.

It is a common characteristic of all sub. stance that it is never

present in a subject. For primary substance is neither present in a

subject nor predicated of a subject; while, with regard to secondary

substances, it is clear from the following arguments (apart from

others) that they are not present in a subject. For 'man' is

predicated of the individual man, but is not present in any subject:

for manhood is not present in the individual man. In the same way,

'animal' is also predicated of the individual man, but is not

present in him. Again, when a thing is present in a subject, though

the name may quite well be applied to that in which it is present, the

definition cannot be applied. Yet of secondary substances, not only

the name, but also the definition, applies to the subject: we should

use both the definition of the species and that of the genus with

reference to the individual man. Thus substance cannot be present in a

subject.

Yet this is not peculiar to substance, for it is also the case

that differentiae cannot be present in subjects. The characteristics

'terrestrial' and 'two-footed' are predicated of the species 'man',

but not present in it. For they are not in man. Moreover, the

definition of the differentia may be predicated of that of which the

differentia itself is predicated. For instance, if the

characteristic 'terrestrial' is predicated of the species 'man', the

definition also of that characteristic may be used to form the

predicate of the species 'man': for 'man' is terrestrial.

The fact that the parts of substances appear to be present in the

whole, as in a subject, should not make us apprehensive lest we should

have to admit that such parts are not substances: for in explaining

the phrase 'being present in a subject', we stated' that we meant

'otherwise than as parts in a whole'.

It is the mark of substances and of differentiae that, in all

propositions of which they form the predicate, they are predicated

univocally. For all such propositions have for their subject either

the individual or the species. It is true that, inasmuch as primary

substance is not predicable of anything, it can never form the

predicate of any proposition. But of secondary substances, the species

is predicated of the individual, the genus both of the species and

of the individual. Similarly the differentiae are predicated of the

species and of the individuals. Moreover, the definition of the

species and that of the genus are applicable to the primary substance,

and that of the genus to the species. For all that is predicated of

the predicate will be predicated also of the subject. Similarly, the

definition of the differentiae will be applicable to the species and

to the individuals. But it was stated above that the word 'univocal'

was applied to those things which had both name and definition in

common. It is, therefore, established that in every proposition, of

which either substance or a differentia forms the predicate, these are

predicated univocally.

All substance appears to signify that which is individual. In the

case of primary substance this is indisputably true, for the thing

is a unit. In the case of secondary substances, when we speak, for

instance, of 'man' or 'animal', our form of speech gives the

impression that we are here also indicating that which is

individual, but the impression is not strictly true; for a secondary

substance is not an individual, but a class with a certain

qualification; for it is not one and single as a primary substance is;

the words 'man', 'animal', are predicable of more than one subject.

Yet species and genus do not merely indicate quality, like the

term 'white'; 'white' indicates quality and nothing further, but

species and genus determine the quality with reference to a substance:

they signify substance qualitatively differentiated. The determinate

qualification covers a larger field in the case of the genus that in

that of the species: he who uses the word 'animal' is herein using a

word of wider extension than he who uses the word 'man'.

Another mark of substance is that it has no contrary. What could

be the contrary of any primary substance, such as the individual man

or animal? It has none. Nor can the species or the genus have a

contrary. Yet this characteristic is not peculiar to substance, but is

true of many other things, such as quantity. There is nothing that

forms the contrary of 'two cubits long' or of 'three cubits long',

or of 'ten', or of any such term. A man may contend that 'much' is the

contrary of 'little', or 'great' of 'small', but of definite

quantitative terms no contrary exists.

Substance, again, does not appear to admit of variation of degree. I

do not mean by this that one substance cannot be more or less truly

substance than another, for it has already been stated' that this is

the case; but that no single substance admits of varying degrees

within itself. For instance, one particular substance, 'man', cannot

be more or less man either than himself at some other time or than

some other man. One man cannot be more man than another, as that which

is white may be more or less white than some other white object, or as

that which is beautiful may be more or less beautiful than some

other beautiful object. The same quality, moreover, is said to subsist

in a thing in varying degrees at different times. A body, being white,

is said to be whiter at one time than it was before, or, being warm,

is said to be warmer or less warm than at some other time. But

substance is not said to be more or less that which it is: a man is

not more truly a man at one time than he was before, nor is

anything, if it is substance, more or less what it is. Substance,

then, does not admit of variation of degree.

The most distinctive mark of substance appears to be that, while

remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting

contrary qualities. From among things other than substance, we

should find ourselves unable to bring forward any which possessed this

mark. Thus, one and the same colour cannot be white and black. Nor can

the same one action be good and bad: this law holds good with

everything that is not substance. But one and the selfsame

substance, while retaining its identity, is yet capable of admitting

contrary qualities. The same individual person is at one time white,

at another black, at one time warm, at another cold, at one time good,

at another bad. This capacity is found nowhere else, though it might

be maintained that a statement or opinion was an exception to the

rule. The same statement, it is agreed, can be both true and false.

For if the statement 'he is sitting' is true, yet, when the person

in question has risen, the same statement will be false. The same

applies to opinions. For if any one thinks truly that a person is

sitting, yet, when that person has risen, this same opinion, if

still held, will be false. Yet although this exception may be allowed,

there is, nevertheless, a difference in the manner in which the

thing takes place. It is by themselves changing that substances

admit contrary qualities. It is thus that that which was hot becomes

cold, for it has entered into a different state. Similarly that

which was white becomes black, and that which was bad good, by a

process of change; and in the same way in all other cases it is by

changing that substances are capable of admitting contrary

qualities. But statements and opinions themselves remain unaltered

in all respects: it is by the alteration in the facts of the case that

the contrary quality comes to be theirs. The statement 'he is sitting'

remains unaltered, but it is at one time true, at another false,

according to circumstances. What has been said of statements applies

also to opinions. Thus, in respect of the manner in which the thing

takes place, it is the peculiar mark of substance that it should be

capable of admitting contrary qualities; for it is by itself

changing that it does so.

If, then, a man should make this exception and contend that

statements and opinions are capable of admitting contrary qualities,

his contention is unsound. For statements and opinions are said to

have this capacity, not because they themselves undergo

modification, but because this modification occurs in the case of

something else. The truth or falsity of a statement depends on

facts, and not on any power on the part of the statement itself of

admitting contrary qualities. In short, there is nothing which can

alter the nature of statements and opinions. As, then, no change takes

place in themselves, these cannot be said to be capable of admitting

contrary qualities.

But it is by reason of the modification which takes place within the

substance itself that a substance is said to be capable of admitting

contrary qualities; for a substance admits within itself either

disease or health, whiteness or blackness. It is in this sense that it

is said to be capable of admitting contrary qualities.

To sum up, it is a distinctive mark of substance, that, while

remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting

contrary qualities, the modification taking place through a change

in the substance itself.

Let these remarks suffice on the subject of substance.

6


Quantity is either discrete or continuous. Moreover, some quantities

are such that each part of the whole has a relative position to the

other parts: others have within them no such relation of part to part.

Instances of discrete quantities are number and speech; of

continuous, lines, surfaces, solids, and, besides these, time and

place.

In the case of the parts of a number, there is no common boundary at

which they join. For example: two fives make ten, but the two fives

have no common boundary, but are separate; the parts three and seven

also do not join at any boundary. Nor, to generalize, would it ever be

possible in the case of number that there should be a common

boundary among the parts; they are always separate. Number, therefore,

is a discrete quantity.

The same is true of speech. That speech is a quantity is evident:

for it is measured in long and short syllables. I mean here that

speech which is vocal. Moreover, it is a discrete quantity for its

parts have no common boundary. There is no common boundary at which

the syllables join, but each is separate and distinct from the rest.

A line, on the other hand, is a continuous quantity, for it is

possible to find a common boundary at which its parts join. In the

case of the line, this common boundary is the point; in the case of

the plane, it is the line: for the parts of the plane have also a

common boundary. Similarly you can find a common boundary in the

case of the parts of a solid, namely either a line or a plane.

Space and time also belong to this class of quantities. Time,

past, present, and future, forms a continuous whole. Space,

likewise, is a continuous quantity; for the parts of a solid occupy

a certain space, and these have a common boundary; it follows that the

parts of space also, which are occupied by the parts of the solid,

have the same common boundary as the parts of the solid. Thus, not

only time, but space also, is a continuous quantity, for its parts

have a common boundary.

Quantities consist either of parts which bear a relative position

each to each, or of parts which do not. The parts of a line bear a

relative position to each other, for each lies somewhere, and it would

be possible to distinguish each, and to state the position of each

on the plane and to explain to what sort of part among the rest each

was contiguous. Similarly the parts of a plane have position, for it

could similarly be stated what was the position of each and what

sort of parts were contiguous. The same is true with regard to the

solid and to space. But it would be impossible to show that the arts

of a number had a relative position each to each, or a particular

position, or to state what parts were contiguous. Nor could this be

done in the case of time, for none of the parts of time has an abiding

existence, and that which does not abide can hardly have position.

It would be better to say that such parts had a relative order, in

virtue of one being prior to another. Similarly with number: in

counting, 'one' is prior to 'two', and 'two' to 'three', and thus

the parts of number may be said to possess a relative order, though it

would be impossible to discover any distinct position for each. This

holds good also in the case of speech. None of its parts has an

abiding existence: when once a syllable is pronounced, it is not

possible to retain it, so that, naturally, as the parts do not

abide, they cannot have position. Thus, some quantities consist of

parts which have position, and some of those which have not.

Strictly speaking, only the things which I have mentioned belong

to the category of quantity: everything else that is called

quantitative is a quantity in a secondary sense. It is because we have

in mind some one of these quantities, properly so called, that we

apply quantitative terms to other things. We speak of what is white as

large, because the surface over which the white extends is large; we

speak of an action or a process as lengthy, because the time covered

is long; these things cannot in their own right claim the quantitative

epithet. For instance, should any one explain how long an action

was, his statement would be made in terms of the time taken, to the

effect that it lasted a year, or something of that sort. In the same

way, he would explain the size of a white object in terms of

surface, for he would state the area which it covered. Thus the things

already mentioned, and these alone, are in their intrinsic nature

quantities; nothing else can claim the name in its own right, but,

if at all, only in a secondary sense.

Quantities have no contraries. In the case of definite quantities

this is obvious; thus, there is nothing that is the contrary of 'two

cubits long' or of 'three cubits long', or of a surface, or of any

such quantities. A man might, indeed, argue that 'much' was the

contrary of 'little', and 'great' of 'small'. But these are not

quantitative, but relative; things are not great or small

absolutely, they are so called rather as the result of an act of

comparison. For instance, a mountain is called small, a grain large,

in virtue of the fact that the latter is greater than others of its

kind, the former less. Thus there is a reference here to an external

standard, for if the terms 'great' and 'small' were used absolutely, a

mountain would never be called small or a grain large. Again, we say

that there are many people in a village, and few in Athens, although

those in the city are many times as numerous as those in the

village: or we say that a house has many in it, and a theatre few,

though those in the theatre far outnumber those in the house. The

terms 'two cubits long, "three cubits long,' and so on indicate

quantity, the terms 'great' and 'small' indicate relation, for they

have reference to an external standard. It is, therefore, plain that

these are to be classed as relative.

Again, whether we define them as quantitative or not, they have no

contraries: for how can there be a contrary of an attribute which is

not to be apprehended in or by itself, but only by reference to

something external? Again, if 'great' and 'small' are contraries, it

will come about that the same subject can admit contrary qualities

at one and the same time, and that things will themselves be

contrary to themselves. For it happens at times that the same thing is

both small and great. For the same thing may be small in comparison

with one thing, and great in comparison with another, so that the same

thing comes to be both small and great at one and the same time, and

is of such a nature as to admit contrary qualities at one and the same

moment. Yet it was agreed, when substance was being discussed, that

nothing admits contrary qualities at one and the same moment. For

though substance is capable of admitting contrary qualities, yet no

one is at the same time both sick and healthy, nothing is at the

same time both white and black. Nor is there anything which is

qualified in contrary ways at one and the same time.

Moreover, if these were contraries, they would themselves be

contrary to themselves. For if 'great' is the contrary of 'small', and

the same thing is both great and small at the same time, then

'small' or 'great' is the contrary of itself. But this is

impossible. The term 'great', therefore, is not the contrary of the

term 'small', nor 'much' of 'little'. And even though a man should

call these terms not relative but quantitative, they would not have

contraries.

It is in the case of space that quantity most plausibly appears to

admit of a contrary. For men define the term 'above' as the contrary

of 'below', when it is the region at the centre they mean by

'below'; and this is so, because nothing is farther from the

extremities of the universe than the region at the centre. Indeed,

it seems that in defining contraries of every kind men have recourse

to a spatial metaphor, for they say that those things are contraries

which, within the same class, are separated by the greatest possible

distance.

Quantity does not, it appears, admit of variation of degree. One

thing cannot be two cubits long in a greater degree than another.

Similarly with regard to number: what is 'three' is not more truly

three than what is 'five' is five; nor is one set of three more

truly three than another set. Again, one period of time is not said to

be more truly time than another. Nor is there any other kind of

quantity, of all that have been mentioned, with regard to which

variation of degree can be predicated. The category of quantity,

therefore, does not admit of variation of degree.

The most distinctive mark of quantity is that equality and

inequality are predicated of it. Each of the aforesaid quantities is

said to be equal or unequal. For instance, one solid is said to be

equal or unequal to another; number, too, and time can have these

terms applied to them, indeed can all those kinds of quantity that

have been mentioned.

That which is not a quantity can by no means, it would seem, be

termed equal or unequal to anything else. One particular disposition

or one particular quality, such as whiteness, is by no means

compared with another in terms of equality and inequality but rather

in terms of similarity. Thus it is the distinctive mark of quantity

that it can be called equal and unequal.

7


Those things are called relative, which, being either said to be

of something else or related to something else, are explained by

reference to that other thing. For instance, the word 'superior' is

explained by reference to something else, for it is superiority over

something else that is meant. Similarly, the expression 'double' has

this external reference, for it is the double of something else that

is meant. So it is with everything else of this kind. There are,

moreover, other relatives, e.g. habit, disposition, perception,

knowledge, and attitude. The significance of all these is explained by

a reference to something else and in no other way. Thus, a habit is

a habit of something, knowledge is knowledge of something, attitude is

the attitude of something. So it is with all other relatives that have

been mentioned. Those terms, then, are called relative, the nature

of which is explained by reference to something else, the

preposition 'of' or some other preposition being used to indicate

the relation. Thus, one mountain is called great in comparison with

son with another; for the mountain claims this attribute by comparison

with something. Again, that which is called similar must be similar to

something else, and all other such attributes have this external

reference. It is to be noted that lying and standing and sitting are

particular attitudes, but attitude is itself a relative term. To

lie, to stand, to be seated, are not themselves attitudes, but take

their name from the aforesaid attitudes.

It is possible for relatives to have contraries. Thus virtue has a

contrary, vice, these both being relatives; knowledge, too, has a

contrary, ignorance. But this is not the mark of all relatives;

'double' and 'triple' have no contrary, nor indeed has any such term.

It also appears that relatives can admit of variation of degree. For

'like' and 'unlike', 'equal' and 'unequal', have the modifications

'more' and 'less' applied to them, and each of these is relative in

character: for the terms 'like' and 'unequal' bear 'unequal' bear a

reference to something external. Yet, again, it is not every

relative term that admits of variation of degree. No term such as

'double' admits of this modification. All relatives have correlatives:

by the term 'slave' we mean the slave of a master, by the term

'master', the master of a slave; by 'double', the double of its

hall; by 'half', the half of its double; by 'greater', greater than

that which is less; by 'less,' less than that which is greater.

So it is with every other relative term; but the case we use to

express the correlation differs in some instances. Thus, by

knowledge we mean knowledge the knowable; by the knowable, that

which is to be apprehended by knowledge; by perception, perception

of the perceptible; by the perceptible, that which is apprehended by

perception.

Sometimes, however, reciprocity of correlation does not appear to

exist. This comes about when a blunder is made, and that to which

the relative is related is not accurately stated. If a man states that

a wing is necessarily relative to a bird, the connexion between

these two will not be reciprocal, for it will not be possible to say

that a bird is a bird by reason of its wings. The reason is that the

original statement was inaccurate, for the wing is not said to be

relative to the bird qua bird, since many creatures besides birds have

wings, but qua winged creature. If, then, the statement is made

accurate, the connexion will be reciprocal, for we can speak of a

wing, having reference necessarily to a winged creature, and of a

winged creature as being such because of its wings.

Occasionally, perhaps, it is necessary to coin words, if no word

exists by which a correlation can adequately be explained. If we

define a rudder as necessarily having reference to a boat, our

definition will not be appropriate, for the rudder does not have

this reference to a boat qua boat, as there are boats which have no

rudders. Thus we cannot use the terms reciprocally, for the word

'boat' cannot be said to find its explanation in the word 'rudder'. As

there is no existing word, our definition would perhaps be more

accurate if we coined some word like 'ruddered' as the correlative

of 'rudder'. If we express ourselves thus accurately, at any rate

the terms are reciprocally connected, for the 'ruddered' thing is

'ruddered' in virtue of its rudder. So it is in all other cases. A

head will be more accurately defined as the correlative of that

which is 'headed', than as that of an animal, for the animal does

not have a head qua animal, since many animals have no head.

Thus we may perhaps most easily comprehend that to which a thing

is related, when a name does not exist, if, from that which has a

name, we derive a new name, and apply it to that with which the

first is reciprocally connected, as in the aforesaid instances, when

we derived the word 'winged' from 'wing' and from 'rudder'.

All relatives, then, if properly defined, have a correlative. I

add this condition because, if that to which they are related is

stated as haphazard and not accurately, the two are not found to be

interdependent. Let me state what I mean more clearly. Even in the

case of acknowledged correlatives, and where names exist for each,

there will be no interdependence if one of the two is denoted, not

by that name which expresses the correlative notion, but by one of

irrelevant significance. The term 'slave,' if defined as related,

not to a master, but to a man, or a biped, or anything of that sort,

is not reciprocally connected with that in relation to which it is

defined, for the statement is not exact. Further, if one thing is said

to be correlative with another, and the terminology used is correct,

then, though all irrelevant attributes should be removed, and only

that one attribute left in virtue of which it was correctly stated

to be correlative with that other, the stated correlation will still

exist. If the correlative of 'the slave' is said to be 'the master',

then, though all irrelevant attributes of the said 'master', such as

'biped', 'receptive of knowledge', 'human', should be removed, and the

attribute 'master' alone left, the stated correlation existing between

him and the slave will remain the same, for it is of a master that a

slave is said to be the slave. On the other hand, if, of two

correlatives, one is not correctly termed, then, when all other

attributes are removed and that alone is left in virtue of which it

was stated to be correlative, the stated correlation will be found

to have disappeared.

For suppose the correlative of 'the slave' should be said to be 'the

man', or the correlative of 'the wing"the bird'; if the attribute

'master' be withdrawn from' the man', the correlation between 'the

man' and 'the slave' will cease to exist, for if the man is not a

master, the slave is not a slave. Similarly, if the attribute 'winged'

be withdrawn from 'the bird', 'the wing' will no longer be relative;

for if the so-called correlative is not winged, it follows that 'the

wing' has no correlative.

Thus it is essential that the correlated terms should be exactly

designated; if there is a name existing, the statement will be easy;

if not, it is doubtless our duty to construct names. When the

terminology is thus correct, it is evident that all correlatives are

interdependent.

Correlatives are thought to come into existence simultaneously. This

is for the most part true, as in the case of the double and the

half. The existence of the half necessitates the existence of that

of which it is a half. Similarly the existence of a master

necessitates the existence of a slave, and that of a slave implies

that of a master; these are merely instances of a general rule.

Moreover, they cancel one another; for if there is no double it

follows that there is no half, and vice versa; this rule also

applies to all such correlatives. Yet it does not appear to be true in

all cases that correlatives come into existence simultaneously. The

object of knowledge would appear to exist before knowledge itself, for

it is usually the case that we acquire knowledge of objects already

existing; it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find a branch

of knowledge the beginning of the existence of which was

contemporaneous with that of its object.

Again, while the object of knowledge, if it ceases to exist, cancels

at the same time the knowledge which was its correlative, the converse

of this is not true. It is true that if the object of knowledge does

not exist there can be no knowledge: for there will no longer be

anything to know. Yet it is equally true that, if knowledge of a

certain object does not exist, the object may nevertheless quite

well exist. Thus, in the case of the squaring of the circle, if indeed

that process is an object of knowledge, though it itself exists as

an object of knowledge, yet the knowledge of it has not yet come

into existence. Again, if all animals ceased to exist, there would

be no knowledge, but there might yet be many objects of knowledge.

This is likewise the case with regard to perception: for the

object of perception is, it appears, prior to the act of perception.

If the perceptible is annihilated, perception also will cease to

exist; but the annihilation of perception does not cancel the

existence of the perceptible. For perception implies a body

perceived and a body in which perception takes place. Now if that

which is perceptible is annihilated, it follows that the body is

annihilated, for the body is a perceptible thing; and if the body does

not exist, it follows that perception also ceases to exist. Thus the

annihilation of the perceptible involves that of perception.

But the annihilation of perception does not involve that of the

perceptible. For if the animal is annihilated, it follows that

perception also is annihilated, but perceptibles such as body, heat,

sweetness, bitterness, and so on, will remain.

Again, perception is generated at the same time as the perceiving

subject, for it comes into existence at the same time as the animal.

But the perceptible surely exists before perception; for fire and

water and such elements, out of which the animal is itself composed,

exist before the animal is an animal at all, and before perception.

Thus it would seem that the perceptible exists before perception.

It may be questioned whether it is true that no substance is

relative, as seems to be the case, or whether exception is to be

made in the case of certain secondary substances. With regard to

primary substances, it is quite true that there is no such

possibility, for neither wholes nor parts of primary substances are

relative. The individual man or ox is not defined with reference to

something external. Similarly with the parts: a particular hand or

head is not defined as a particular hand or head of a particular

person, but as the hand or head of a particular person. It is true

also, for the most part at least, in the case of secondary substances;

the species 'man' and the species 'ox' are not defined with

reference to anything outside themselves. Wood, again, is only

relative in so far as it is some one's property, not in so far as it

is wood. It is plain, then, that in the cases mentioned substance is

not relative. But with regard to some secondary substances there is

a difference of opinion; thus, such terms as 'head' and 'hand' are

defined with reference to that of which the things indicated are a

part, and so it comes about that these appear to have a relative

character. Indeed, if our definition of that which is relative was

complete, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to prove that no

substance is relative. If, however, our definition was not complete,

if those things only are properly called relative in the case of which

relation to an external object is a necessary condition of

existence, perhaps some explanation of the dilemma may be found.

The former definition does indeed apply to all relatives, but the

fact that a thing is explained with reference to something else does

not make it essentially relative.

From this it is plain that, if a man definitely apprehends a

relative thing, he will also definitely apprehend that to which it

is relative. Indeed this is self-evident: for if a man knows that some

particular thing is relative, assuming that we call that a relative in

the case of which relation to something is a necessary condition of

existence, he knows that also to which it is related. For if he does

not know at all that to which it is related, he will not know

whether or not it is relative. This is clear, moreover, in

particular instances. If a man knows definitely that such and such a

thing is 'double', he will also forthwith know definitely that of

which it is the double. For if there is nothing definite of which he

knows it to be the double, he does not know at all that it is

double. Again, if he knows that a thing is more beautiful, it

follows necessarily that he will forthwith definitely know that also

than which it is more beautiful. He will not merely know

indefinitely that it is more beautiful than something which is less

beautiful, for this would be supposition, not knowledge. For if he

does not know definitely that than which it is more beautiful, he

can no longer claim to know definitely that it is more beautiful

than something else which is less beautiful: for it might be that

nothing was less beautiful. It is, therefore, evident that if a man

apprehends some relative thing definitely, he necessarily knows that

also definitely to which it is related.

Now the head, the hand, and such things are substances, and it is

possible to know their essential character definitely, but it does not

necessarily follow that we should know that to which they are related.

It is not possible to know forthwith whose head or hand is meant. Thus

these are not relatives, and, this being the case, it would be true to

say that no substance is relative in character. It is perhaps a

difficult matter, in such cases, to make a positive statement

without more exhaustive examination, but to have raised questions with

regard to details is not without advantage.

8


By 'quality' I mean that in virtue of which people are said to be

such and such.

Quality is a term that is used in many senses. One sort of quality

let us call 'habit' or 'disposition'. Habit differs from disposition

in being more lasting and more firmly established. The various kinds

of knowledge and of virtue are habits, for knowledge, even when

acquired only in a moderate degree, is, it is agreed, abiding in its

character and difficult to displace, unless some great mental upheaval

takes place, through disease or any such cause. The virtues, also,

such as justice, self-restraint, and so on, are not easily dislodged

or dismissed, so as to give place to vice.

By a disposition, on the other hand, we mean a condition that is

easily changed and quickly gives place to its opposite. Thus, heat,

cold, disease, health, and so on are dispositions. For a man is

disposed in one way or another with reference to these, but quickly

changes, becoming cold instead of warm, ill instead of well. So it

is with all other dispositions also, unless through lapse of time a

disposition has itself become inveterate and almost impossible to

dislodge: in which case we should perhaps go so far as to call it a

habit.

It is evident that men incline to call those conditions habits which

are of a more or less permanent type and difficult to displace; for

those who are not retentive of knowledge, but volatile, are not said

to have such and such a 'habit' as regards knowledge, yet they are

disposed, we may say, either better or worse, towards knowledge.

Thus habit differs from disposition in this, that while the latter

in ephemeral, the former is permanent and difficult to alter.

Habits are at the same time dispositions, but dispositions are not

necessarily habits. For those who have some specific habit may be said

also, in virtue of that habit, to be thus or thus disposed; but

those who are disposed in some specific way have not in all cases

the corresponding habit.

Another sort of quality is that in virtue of which, for example,

we call men good boxers or runners, or healthy or sickly: in fact it

includes all those terms which refer to inborn capacity or incapacity.

Such things are not predicated of a person in virtue of his

disposition, but in virtue of his inborn capacity or incapacity to

do something with ease or to avoid defeat of any kind. Persons are

called good boxers or good runners, not in virtue of such and such a

disposition, but in virtue of an inborn capacity to accomplish

something with ease. Men are called healthy in virtue of the inborn

capacity of easy resistance to those unhealthy influences that may

ordinarily arise; unhealthy, in virtue of the lack of this capacity.

Similarly with regard to softness and hardness. Hardness is predicated

of a thing because it has that capacity of resistance which enables it

to withstand disintegration; softness, again, is predicated of a thing

by reason of the lack of that capacity.

A third class within this category is that of affective qualities

and affections. Sweetness, bitterness, sourness, are examples of

this sort of quality, together with all that is akin to these; heat,

moreover, and cold, whiteness, and blackness are affective

qualities. It is evident that these are qualities, for those things

that possess them are themselves said to be such and such by reason of

their presence. Honey is called sweet because it contains sweetness;

the body is called white because it contains whiteness; and so in

all other cases.

The term 'affective quality' is not used as indicating that those

things which admit these qualities are affected in any way. Honey is

not called sweet because it is affected in a specific way, nor is this

what is meant in any other instance. Similarly heat and cold are

called affective qualities, not because those things which admit

them are affected. What is meant is that these said qualities are

capable of producing an 'affection' in the way of perception. For

sweetness has the power of affecting the sense of taste; heat, that of

touch; and so it is with the rest of these qualities.

Whiteness and blackness, however, and the other colours, are not

said to be affective qualities in this sense, but -because they

themselves are the results of an affection. It is plain that many

changes of colour take place because of affections. When a man is

ashamed, he blushes; when he is afraid, he becomes pale, and so on. So

true is this, that when a man is by nature liable to such

affections, arising from some concomitance of elements in his

constitution, it is a probable inference that he has the corresponding

complexion of skin. For the same disposition of bodily elements, which

in the former instance was momentarily present in the case of an

access of shame, might be a result of a man's natural temperament,

so as to produce the corresponding colouring also as a natural

characteristic. All conditions, therefore, of this kind, if caused

by certain permanent and lasting affections, are called affective

qualities. For pallor and duskiness of complexion are called

qualities, inasmuch as we are said to be such and such in virtue of

them, not only if they originate in natural constitution, but also

if they come about through long disease or sunburn, and are

difficult to remove, or indeed remain throughout life. For in the same

way we are said to be such and such because of these.

Those conditions, however, which arise from causes which may

easily be rendered ineffective or speedily removed, are called, not

qualities, but affections: for we are not said to be such virtue of

them. The man who blushes through shame is not said to be a

constitutional blusher, nor is the man who becomes pale through fear

said to be constitutionally pale. He is said rather to have been

affected.

Thus such conditions are called affections, not qualities.

In like manner there are affective qualities and affections of the

soul. That temper with which a man is born and which has its origin in

certain deep-seated affections is called a quality. I mean such

conditions as insanity, irascibility, and so on: for people are said

to be mad or irascible in virtue of these. Similarly those abnormal

psychic states which are not inborn, but arise from the concomitance

of certain other elements, and are difficult to remove, or

altogether permanent, are called qualities, for in virtue of them

men are said to be such and such.

Those, however, which arise from causes easily rendered

ineffective are called affections, not qualities. Suppose that a man

is irritable when vexed: he is not even spoken of as a bad-tempered

man, when in such circumstances he loses his temper somewhat, but

rather is said to be affected. Such conditions are therefore termed,

not qualities, but affections.

The fourth sort of quality is figure and the shape that belongs to a

thing; and besides this, straightness and curvedness and any other

qualities of this type; each of these defines a thing as being such

and such. Because it is triangular or quadrangular a thing is said

to have a specific character, or again because it is straight or

curved; in fact a thing's shape in every case gives rise to a

qualification of it.

Rarity and density, roughness and smoothness, seem to be terms

indicating quality: yet these, it would appear, really belong to a

class different from that of quality. For it is rather a certain

relative position of the parts composing the thing thus qualified

which, it appears, is indicated by each of these terms. A thing is

dense, owing to the fact that its parts are closely combined with

one another; rare, because there are interstices between the parts;

smooth, because its parts lie, so to speak, evenly; rough, because

some parts project beyond others.

There may be other sorts of quality, but those that are most

properly so called have, we may safely say, been enumerated.

These, then, are qualities, and the things that take their name from

them as derivatives, or are in some other way dependent on them, are

said to be qualified in some specific way. In most, indeed in almost

all cases, the name of that which is qualified is derived from that of

the quality. Thus the terms 'whiteness', 'grammar', 'justice', give us

the adjectives 'white', 'grammatical', 'just', and so on.

There are some cases, however, in which, as the quality under

consideration has no name, it is impossible that those possessed of it

should have a name that is derivative. For instance, the name given to

the runner or boxer, who is so called in virtue of an inborn capacity,

is not derived from that of any quality; for lob those capacities have

no name assigned to them. In this, the inborn capacity is distinct

from the science, with reference to which men are called, e.g.

boxers or wrestlers. Such a science is classed as a disposition; it

has a name, and is called 'boxing' or 'wrestling' as the case may

be, and the name given to those disposed in this way is derived from

that of the science. Sometimes, even though a name exists for the

quality, that which takes its character from the quality has a name

that is not a derivative. For instance, the upright man takes his

character from the possession of the quality of integrity, but the

name given him is not derived from the word 'integrity'. Yet this does

not occur often.

We may therefore state that those things are said to be possessed of

some specific quality which have a name derived from that of the

aforesaid quality, or which are in some other way dependent on it.

One quality may be the contrary of another; thus justice is the

contrary of injustice, whiteness of blackness, and so on. The

things, also, which are said to be such and such in virtue of these

qualities, may be contrary the one to the other; for that which is

unjust is contrary to that which is just, that which is white to

that which is black. This, however, is not always the case. Red,

yellow, and such colours, though qualities, have no contraries.

If one of two contraries is a quality, the other will also be a

quality. This will be evident from particular instances, if we apply

the names

used to denote the other categories; for instance, granted that

justice is the contrary of injustice and justice is a quality,

injustice will also be a quality: neither quantity, nor relation,

nor place, nor indeed any other category but that of quality, will

be applicable properly to injustice. So it is with all other

contraries falling under the category of quality.

Qualities admit of variation of degree. Whiteness is predicated of

one thing in a greater or less degree than of another. This is also

the case with reference to justice. Moreover, one and the same thing

may exhibit a quality in a greater degree than it did before: if a

thing is white, it may become whiter.

Though this is generally the case, there are exceptions. For if we

should say that justice admitted of variation of degree,

difficulties might ensue, and this is true with regard to all those

qualities which are dispositions. There are some, indeed, who

dispute the possibility of variation here. They maintain that

justice and health cannot very well admit of variation of degree

themselves, but that people vary in the degree in which they possess

these qualities, and that this is the case with grammatical learning

and all those qualities which are classed as dispositions. However

that may be, it is an incontrovertible fact that the things which in

virtue of these qualities are said to be what they are vary in the

degree in which they possess them; for one man is said to be better

versed in grammar, or more healthy or just, than another, and so on.

The qualities expressed by the terms 'triangular' and 'quadrangular'

do not appear to admit of variation of degree, nor indeed do any

that have to do with figure. For those things to which the

definition of the triangle or circle is applicable are all equally

triangular or circular. Those, on the other hand, to which the same

definition is not applicable, cannot be said to differ from one

another in degree; the square is no more a circle than the

rectangle, for to neither is the definition of the circle appropriate.

In short, if the definition of the term proposed is not applicable

to both objects, they cannot be compared. Thus it is not all qualities

which admit of variation of degree.

Whereas none of the characteristics I have mentioned are peculiar to

quality, the fact that likeness and unlikeness can be predicated

with reference to quality only, gives to that category its distinctive

feature. One thing is like another only with reference to that in

virtue of which it is such and such; thus this forms the peculiar mark

of quality.

We must not be disturbed because it may be argued that, though

proposing to discuss the category of quality, we have included in it

many relative terms. We did say that habits and dispositions were

relative. In practically all such cases the genus is relative, the

individual not. Thus knowledge, as a genus, is explained by

reference to something else, for we mean a knowledge of something. But

particular branches of knowledge are not thus explained. The knowledge

of grammar is not relative to anything external, nor is the

knowledge of music, but these, if relative at all, are relative only

in virtue of their genera; thus grammar is said be the knowledge of

something, not the grammar of something; similarly music is the

knowledge of something, not the music of something.

Thus individual branches of knowledge are not relative. And it is

because we possess these individual branches of knowledge that we

are said to be such and such. It is these that we actually possess: we

are called experts because we possess knowledge in some particular

branch. Those particular branches, therefore, of knowledge, in

virtue of which we are sometimes said to be such and such, are

themselves qualities, and are not relative. Further, if anything

should happen to fall within both the category of quality and that

of relation, there would be nothing extraordinary in classing it under

both these heads.

9


Action and affection both admit of contraries and also of

variation of degree. Heating is the contrary of cooling, being

heated of being cooled, being glad of being vexed. Thus they admit

of contraries. They also admit of variation of degree: for it is

possible to heat in a greater or less degree; also to be heated in a

greater or less degree. Thus action and affection also admit of

variation of degree. So much, then, is stated with regard to these

categories.

We spoke, moreover, of the category of position when we were dealing

with that of relation, and stated that such terms derived their

names from those of the corresponding attitudes.

As for the rest, time, place, state, since they are easily

intelligible, I say no more about them than was said at the beginning,

that in the category of state are included such states as 'shod',

'armed', in that of place 'in the Lyceum' and so on, as was

explained before.

10


The proposed categories have, then, been adequately dealt with.

We must next explain the various senses in which the term 'opposite'

is used. Things are said to be opposed in four senses: (i) as

correlatives to one another, (ii) as contraries to one another,

(iii) as privatives to positives, (iv) as affirmatives to negatives.

Let me sketch my meaning in outline. An instance of the use of the

word 'opposite' with reference to correlatives is afforded by the

expressions 'double' and 'half'; with reference to contraries by 'bad'

and 'good'. Opposites in the sense of 'privatives' and 'positives'

are' blindness' and 'sight'; in the sense of affirmatives and

negatives, the propositions 'he sits', 'he does not sit'.

(i) Pairs of opposites which fall under the category of relation are

explained by a reference of the one to the other, the reference

being indicated by the preposition 'of' or by some other

preposition. Thus, double is a relative term, for that which is double

is explained as the double of something. Knowledge, again, is the

opposite of the thing known, in the same sense; and the thing known

also is explained by its relation to its opposite, knowledge. For

the thing known is explained as that which is known by something, that

is, by knowledge. Such things, then, as are opposite the one to the

other in the sense of being correlatives are explained by a

reference of the one to the other.

(ii) Pairs of opposites which are contraries are not in any way

interdependent, but are contrary the one to the other. The good is not

spoken of as the good of the had, but as the contrary of the bad,

nor is white spoken of as the white of the black, but as the

contrary of the black. These two types of opposition are therefore

distinct. Those contraries which are such that the subjects in which

they are naturally present, or of which they are predicated, must

necessarily contain either the one or the other of them, have no

intermediate, but those in the case of which no such necessity

obtains, always have an intermediate. Thus disease and health are

naturally present in the body of an animal, and it is necessary that

either the one or the other should be present in the body of an

animal. Odd and even, again, are predicated of number, and it is

necessary that the one or the other should be present in numbers.

Now there is no intermediate between the terms of either of these

two pairs. On the other hand, in those contraries with regard to which

no such necessity obtains, we find an intermediate. Blackness and

whiteness are naturally present in the body, but it is not necessary

that either the one or the other should be present in the body,

inasmuch as it is not true to say that everybody must be white or

black. Badness and goodness, again, are predicated of man, and of many

other things, but it is not necessary that either the one quality or

the other should be present in that of which they are predicated: it

is not true to say that everything that may be good or bad must be

either good or bad. These pairs of contraries have intermediates:

the intermediates between white and black are grey, sallow, and all

the other colours that come between; the intermediate between good and

bad is that which is neither the one nor the other.

Some intermediate qualities have names, such as grey and sallow

and all the other colours that come between white and black; in

other cases, however, it is not easy to name the intermediate, but

we must define it as that which is not either extreme, as in the

case of that which is neither good nor bad, neither just nor unjust.

(iii) 'privatives' and 'Positives' have reference to the same

subject. Thus, sight and blindness have reference to the eye. It is

a universal rule that each of a pair of opposites of this type has

reference to that to which the particular 'positive' is natural. We

say that that is capable of some particular faculty or possession

has suffered privation when the faculty or possession in question is

in no way present in that in which, and at the time at which, it

should naturally be present. We do not call that toothless which has

not teeth, or that blind which has not sight, but rather that which

has not teeth or sight at the time when by nature it should. For there

are some creatures which from birth are without sight, or without

teeth, but these are not called toothless or blind.

To be without some faculty or to possess it is not the same as the

corresponding 'privative' or 'positive'. 'Sight' is a 'positive',

'blindness' a 'privative', but 'to possess sight' is not equivalent to

'sight', 'to be blind' is not equivalent to 'blindness'. Blindness

is a 'privative', to be blind is to be in a state of privation, but is

not a 'privative'. Moreover, if 'blindness' were equivalent to

'being blind', both would be predicated of the same subject; but

though a man is said to be blind, he is by no means said to be

blindness.

To be in a state of 'possession' is, it appears, the opposite of

being in a state of 'privation', just as 'positives' and

'privatives' themselves are opposite. There is the same type of

antithesis in both cases; for just as blindness is opposed to sight,

so is being blind opposed to having sight.

That which is affirmed or denied is not itself affirmation or

denial. By 'affirmation' we mean an affirmative proposition, by

'denial' a negative. Now, those facts which form the matter of the

affirmation or denial are not propositions; yet these two are said

to be opposed in the same sense as the affirmation and denial, for

in this case also the type of antithesis is the same. For as the

affirmation is opposed to the denial, as in the two propositions 'he

sits', 'he does not sit', so also the fact which constitutes the

matter of the proposition in one case is opposed to that in the other,

his sitting, that is to say, to his not sitting.

It is evident that 'positives' and 'privatives' are not opposed each

to each in the same sense as relatives. The one is not explained by

reference to the other; sight is not sight of blindness, nor is any

other preposition used to indicate the relation. Similarly blindness

is not said to be blindness of sight, but rather, privation of

sight. Relatives, moreover, reciprocate; if blindness, therefore, were

a relative, there would be a reciprocity of relation between it and

that with which it was correlative. But this is not the case. Sight is

not called the sight of blindness.

That those terms which fall under the heads of 'positives' and

'privatives' are not opposed each to each as contraries, either, is

plain from the following facts: Of a pair of contraries such that they

have no intermediate, one or the other must needs be present in the

subject in which they naturally subsist, or of which they are

predicated; for it is those, as we proved,' in the case of which

this necessity obtains, that have no intermediate. Moreover, we

cited health and disease, odd and even, as instances. But those

contraries which have an intermediate are not subject to any such

necessity. It is not necessary that every substance, receptive of such

qualities, should be either black or white, cold or hot, for something

intermediate between these contraries may very well be present in

the subject. We proved, moreover, that those contraries have an

intermediate in the case of which the said necessity does not

obtain. Yet when one of the two contraries is a constitutive

property of the subject, as it is a constitutive property of fire to

be hot, of snow to be white, it is necessary determinately that one of

the two contraries, not one or the other, should be present in the

subject; for fire cannot be cold, or snow black. Thus, it is not the

case here that one of the two must needs be present in every subject

receptive of these qualities, but only in that subject of which the

one forms a constitutive property. Moreover, in such cases it is one

member of the pair determinately, and not either the one or the other,

which must be present.

In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', on the other hand,

neither of the aforesaid statements holds good. For it is not

necessary that a subject receptive of the qualities should always have

either the one or the other; that which has not yet advanced to the

state when sight is natural is not said either to be blind or to

see. Thus 'positives' and 'privatives' do not belong to that class

of contraries which consists of those which have no intermediate. On

the other hand, they do not belong either to that class which consists

of contraries which have an intermediate. For under certain conditions

it is necessary that either the one or the other should form part of

the constitution of every appropriate subject. For when a thing has

reached the stage when it is by nature capable of sight, it will be

said either to see or to be blind, and that in an indeterminate sense,

signifying that the capacity may be either present or absent; for it

is not necessary either that it should see or that it should be blind,

but that it should be either in the one state or in the other. Yet

in the case of those contraries which have an intermediate we found

that it was never necessary that either the one or the other should be

present in every appropriate subject, but only that in certain

subjects one of the pair should be present, and that in a

determinate sense. It is, therefore, plain that 'positives' and

'privatives' are not opposed each to each in either of the senses in

which contraries are opposed.

Again, in the case of contraries, it is possible that there should

be changes from either into the other, while the subject retains its

identity, unless indeed one of the contraries is a constitutive

property of that subject, as heat is of fire. For it is possible

that that that which is healthy should become diseased, that which

is white, black, that which is cold, hot, that which is good, bad,

that which is bad, good. The bad man, if he is being brought into a

better way of life and thought, may make some advance, however slight,

and if he should once improve, even ever so little, it is plain that

he might change completely, or at any rate make very great progress;

for a man becomes more and more easily moved to virtue, however

small the improvement was at first. It is, therefore, natural to

suppose that he will make yet greater progress than he has made in the

past; and as this process goes on, it will change him completely and

establish him in the contrary state, provided he is not hindered by

lack of time. In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', however,

change in both directions is impossible. There may be a change from

possession to privation, but not from privation to possession. The man

who has become blind does not regain his sight; the man who has become

bald does not regain his hair; the man who has lost his teeth does not

grow his grow a new set. (iv) Statements opposed as affirmation and

negation belong manifestly to a class which is distinct, for in this

case, and in this case only, it is necessary for the one opposite to

be true and the other false.

Neither in the case of contraries, nor in the case of

correlatives, nor in the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', is it

necessary for one to be true and the other false. Health and disease

are contraries: neither of them is true or false. 'Double' and

'half' are opposed to each other as correlatives: neither of them is

true or false. The case is the same, of course, with regard to

'positives' and 'privatives' such as 'sight' and 'blindness'. In

short, where there is no sort of combination of words, truth and

falsity have no place, and all the opposites we have mentioned so

far consist of simple words.

At the same time, when the words which enter into opposed statements

are contraries, these, more than any other set of opposites, would

seem to claim this characteristic. 'Socrates is ill' is the contrary

of 'Socrates is well', but not even of such composite expressions is

it true to say that one of the pair must always be true and the

other false. For if Socrates exists, one will be true and the other

false, but if he does not exist, both will be false; for neither

'Socrates is ill' nor 'Socrates is well' is true, if Socrates does not

exist at all.

In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', if the subject does not

exist at all, neither proposition is true, but even if the subject

exists, it is not always the fact that one is true and the other

false. For 'Socrates has sight' is the opposite of 'Socrates is blind'

in the sense of the word 'opposite' which applies to possession and

privation. Now if Socrates exists, it is not necessary that one should

be true and the other false, for when he is not yet able to acquire

the power of vision, both are false, as also if Socrates is altogether

non-existent.

But in the case of affirmation and negation, whether the subject

exists or not, one is always false and the other true. For manifestly,

if Socrates exists, one of the two propositions 'Socrates is ill',

'Socrates is not ill', is true, and the other false. This is

likewise the case if he does not exist; for if he does not exist, to

say that he is ill is false, to say that he is not ill is true. Thus

it is in the case of those opposites only, which are opposite in the

sense in which the term is used with reference to affirmation and

negation, that the rule holds good, that one of the pair must be

true and the other false.

11


That the contrary of a good is an evil is shown by induction: the

contrary of health is disease, of courage, cowardice, and so on. But

the contrary of an evil is sometimes a good, sometimes an evil. For

defect, which is an evil, has excess for its contrary, this also being

an evil, and the mean. which is a good, is equally the contrary of the

one and of the other. It is only in a few cases, however, that we

see instances of this: in most, the contrary of an evil is a good.

In the case of contraries, it is not always necessary that if one

exists the other should also exist: for if all become healthy there

will be health and no disease, and again, if everything turns white,

there will be white, but no black. Again, since the fact that Socrates

is ill is the contrary of the fact that Socrates is well, and two

contrary conditions cannot both obtain in one and the same

individual at the same time, both these contraries could not exist

at once: for if that Socrates was well was a fact, then that

Socrates was ill could not possibly be one.

It is plain that contrary attributes must needs be present in

subjects which belong to the same species or genus. Disease and health

require as their subject the body of an animal; white and black

require a body, without further qualification; justice and injustice

require as their subject the human soul.

Moreover, it is necessary that pairs of contraries should in all

cases either belong to the same genus or belong to contrary genera

or be themselves genera. White and black belong to the same genus,

colour; justice and injustice, to contrary genera, virtue and vice;

while good and evil do not belong to genera, but are themselves actual

genera, with terms under them.

12


There are four senses in which one thing can be said to be 'prior'

to another. Primarily and most properly the term has reference to

time: in this sense the word is used to indicate that one thing is

older or more ancient than another, for the expressions 'older' and

'more ancient' imply greater length of time.

Secondly, one thing is said to be 'prior' to another when the

sequence of their being cannot be reversed. In this sense 'one' is

'prior' to 'two'. For if 'two' exists, it follows directly that

'one' must exist, but if 'one' exists, it does not follow

necessarily that 'two' exists: thus the sequence subsisting cannot

be reversed. It is agreed, then, that when the sequence of two

things cannot be reversed, then that one on which the other depends is

called 'prior' to that other.

In the third place, the term 'prior' is used with reference to any

order, as in the case of science and of oratory. For in sciences which

use demonstration there is that which is prior and that which is

posterior in order; in geometry, the elements are prior to the

propositions; in reading and writing, the letters of the alphabet

are prior to the syllables. Similarly, in the case of speeches, the

exordium is prior in order to the narrative.

Besides these senses of the word, there is a fourth. That which is

better and more honourable is said to have a natural priority. In

common parlance men speak of those whom they honour and love as

'coming first' with them. This sense of the word is perhaps the most

far-fetched.

Such, then, are the different senses in which the term 'prior' is

used.

Yet it would seem that besides those mentioned there is yet another.

For in those things, the being of each of which implies that of the

other, that which is in any way the cause may reasonably be said to be

by nature 'prior' to the effect. It is plain that there are

instances of this. The fact of the being of a man carries with it

the truth of the proposition that he is, and the implication is

reciprocal: for if a man is, the proposition wherein we allege that he

is true, and conversely, if the proposition wherein we allege that

he is true, then he is. The true proposition, however, is in no way

the cause of the being of the man, but the fact of the man's being

does seem somehow to be the cause of the truth of the proposition, for

the truth or falsity of the proposition depends on the fact of the

man's being or not being.

Thus the word 'prior' may be used in five senses.

13


The term 'simultaneous' is primarily and most appropriately

applied to those things the genesis of the one of which is

simultaneous with that of the other; for in such cases neither is

prior or posterior to the other. Such things are said to be

simultaneous in point of time. Those things, again, are 'simultaneous'

in point of nature, the being of each of which involves that of the

other, while at the same time neither is the cause of the other's

being. This is the case with regard to the double and the half, for

these are reciprocally dependent, since, if there is a double, there

is also a half, and if there is a half, there is also a double,

while at the same time neither is the cause of the being of the other.

Again, those species which are distinguished one from another and

opposed one to another within the same genus are said to be

'simultaneous' in nature. I mean those species which are

distinguished each from each by one and the same method of division.

Thus the 'winged' species is simultaneous with the 'terrestrial' and

the 'water' species. These are distinguished within the same genus,

and are opposed each to each, for the genus 'animal' has the 'winged',

the 'terrestrial', and the 'water' species, and no one of these is

prior or posterior to another; on the contrary, all such things appear

to be 'simultaneous' in nature. Each of these also, the terrestrial,

the winged, and the water species, can be divided again into

subspecies. Those species, then, also will be 'simultaneous' point

of nature, which, belonging to the same genus, are distinguished

each from each by one and the same method of differentiation.

But genera are prior to species, for the sequence of their being

cannot be reversed. If there is the species 'water-animal', there will

be the genus 'animal', but granted the being of the genus 'animal', it

does not follow necessarily that there will be the species

'water-animal'.

Those things, therefore, are said to be 'simultaneous' in nature,

the being of each of which involves that of the other, while at the

same time neither is in any way the cause of the other's being;

those species, also, which are distinguished each from each and

opposed within the same genus. Those things, moreover, are

'simultaneous' in the unqualified sense of the word which come into

being at the same time.

14


There are six sorts of movement: generation, destruction,

increase, diminution, alteration, and change of place.

It is evident in all but one case that all these sorts of movement

are distinct each from each. Generation is distinct from

destruction, increase and change of place from diminution, and so

on. But in the case of alteration it may be argued that the process

necessarily implies one or other of the other five sorts of motion.

This is not true, for we may say that all affections, or nearly all,

produce in us an alteration which is distinct from all other sorts

of motion, for that which is affected need not suffer either

increase or diminution or any of the other sorts of motion. Thus

alteration is a distinct sort of motion; for, if it were not, the

thing altered would not only be altered, but would forthwith

necessarily suffer increase or diminution or some one of the other

sorts of motion in addition; which as a matter of fact is not the

case. Similarly that which was undergoing the process of increase or

was subject to some other sort of motion would, if alteration were not

a distinct form of motion, necessarily be subject to alteration

also. But there are some things which undergo increase but yet not

alteration. The square, for instance, if a gnomon is applied to it,

undergoes increase but not alteration, and so it is with all other

figures of this sort. Alteration and increase, therefore, are

distinct.

Speaking generally, rest is the contrary of motion. But the

different forms of motion have their own contraries in other forms;

thus destruction is the contrary of generation, diminution of

increase, rest in a place, of change of place. As for this last,

change in the reverse direction would seem to be most truly its

contrary; thus motion upwards is the contrary of motion downwards

and vice versa.

In the case of that sort of motion which yet remains, of those

that have been enumerated, it is not easy to state what is its

contrary. It appears to have no contrary, unless one should define the

contrary here also either as 'rest in its quality' or as 'change in

the direction of the contrary quality', just as we defined the

contrary of change of place either as rest in a place or as change

in the reverse direction. For a thing is altered when change of

quality takes place; therefore either rest in its quality or change in

the direction of the contrary may be called the contrary of this

qualitative form of motion. In this way becoming white is the contrary

of becoming black; there is alteration in the contrary direction,

since a change of a qualitative nature takes place.

15


The term 'to have' is used in various senses. In the first place

it is used with reference to habit or disposition or any other

quality, for we are said to 'have' a piece of knowledge or a virtue.

Then, again, it has reference to quantity, as, for instance, in the

case of a man's height; for he is said to 'have' a height of three

or four cubits. It is used, moreover, with regard to apparel, a man

being said to 'have' a coat or tunic; or in respect of something which

we have on a part of ourselves, as a ring on the hand: or in respect

of something which is a part of us, as hand or foot. The term refers

also to content, as in the case of a vessel and wheat, or of a jar and

wine; a jar is said to 'have' wine, and a corn-measure wheat. The

expression in such cases has reference to content. Or it refers to

that which has been acquired; we are said to 'have' a house or a

field. A man is also said to 'have' a wife, and a wife a husband,

and this appears to be the most remote meaning of the term, for by the

use of it we mean simply that the husband lives with the wife.

Other senses of the word might perhaps be found, but the most

ordinary ones have all been enumerated.



-THE END-



350 BC

ON DREAMS

by Aristotle

translated by J. I. Beare

1


WE must, in the next place, investigate the subject of the dream,

and first inquire to which of the faculties of the soul it presents

itself, i.e. whether the affection is one which pertains to the

faculty of intelligence or to that of sense-perception; for these

are the only faculties within us by which we acquire knowledge.

If, then, the exercise of the faculty of sight is actual seeing,

that of the auditory faculty, hearing, and, in general that of the

faculty of sense-perception, perceiving; and if there are some

perceptions common to the senses, such as figure, magnitude, motion,

&c., while there are others, as colour, sound, taste, peculiar [each

to its own sense]; and further, if all creatures, when the eyes are

closed in sleep, are unable to see, and the analogous statement is

true of the other senses, so that manifestly we perceive nothing

when asleep; we may conclude that it is not by sense-perception we

perceive a dream.

But neither is it by opinion that we do so. For [in dreams] we not

only assert, e.g. that some object approaching is a man or a horse

[which would be an exercise of opinion], but that the object is

white or beautiful, points on which opinion without sense-perception

asserts nothing either truly or falsely. It is, however, a fact that

the soul makes such assertions in sleep. We seem to see equally well

that the approaching figure is a man, and that it is white. [In

dreams], too, we think something else, over and above the dream

presentation, just as we do in waking moments when we perceive

something; for we often also reason about that which we perceive.

So, too, in sleep we sometimes have thoughts other than the mere

phantasms immediately before our minds. This would be manifest to

any one who should attend and try, immediately on arising from

sleep, to remember [his dreaming experience]. There are cases of

persons who have seen such dreams, those, for example, who believe

themselves to be mentally arranging a given list of subjects according

to the mnemonic rule. They frequently find themselves engaged in

something else besides the dream, viz. in setting a phantasm which

they envisage into its mnemonic position. Hence it is plain that not

every 'phantasm' in sleep is a mere dream-image, and that the

further thinking which we perform then is due to an exercise of the

faculty of opinion.

So much at least is plain on all these points, viz. that the faculty

by which, in waking hours, we are subject to illusion when affected by

disease, is identical with that which produces illusory effects in

sleep. So, even when persons are in excellent health, and know the

facts of the case perfectly well, the sun, nevertheless, appears to

them to be only a foot wide. Now, whether the presentative faculty

of the soul be identical with, or different from, the faculty of

sense-perception, in either case the illusion does not occur without

our actually seeing or [otherwise] perceiving something. Even to see

wrongly or to hear wrongly can happen only to one who sees or hears

something real, though not exactly what he supposes. But we have

assumed that in sleep one neither sees, nor hears, nor exercises any

sense whatever. Perhaps we may regard it as true that the dreamer sees

nothing, yet as false that his faculty of sense-perception is

unaffected, the fact being that the sense of seeing and the other

senses may possibly be then in a certain way affected, while each of

these affections, as duly as when he is awake, gives its impulse in

a certain manner to his [primary] faculty of sense, though not in

precisely the same manner as when he is awake. Sometimes, too, opinion

says [to dreamers] just as to those who are awake, that the object

seen is an illusion; at other times it is inhibited, and becomes a

mere follower of the phantasm.

It is plain therefore that this affection, which we name 'dreaming',

is no mere exercise of opinion or intelligence, but yet is not an

affection of the faculty of perception in the simple sense. If it were

the latter it would be possible [when asleep] to hear and see in the

simple sense.

How then, and in what manner, it takes place, is what we have to

examine. Let us assume, what is indeed clear enough, that the

affection [of dreaming] pertains to sense-perception as surely as

sleep itself does. For sleep does not pertain to one organ in

animals and dreaming to another; both pertain to the same organ.

But since we have, in our work On the Soul, treated of presentation,

and the faculty of presentation is identical with that of

sense-perception, though the essential notion of a faculty of

presentation is different from that of a faculty of

sense-perception; and since presentation is the movement set up by a

sensory faculty when actually discharging its function, while a

dream appears to be a presentation (for a presentation which occurs in

sleep-whether simply or in some particular way-is what we call a

dream): it manifestly follows that dreaming is an activity of the

faculty of sense-perception, but belongs to this faculty qua

presentative.


2


We can best obtain a scientific view of the nature of the dream

and the manner in which it originates by regarding it in the light

of the circumstances attending sleep. The objects of

sense-perception corresponding to each sensory organ produce

sense-perception in us, and the affection due to their operation is

present in the organs of sense not only when the perceptions are

actualized, but even when they have departed.

What happens in these cases may be compared with what happens in the

case of projectiles moving in space. For in the case of these the

movement continues even when that which set up the movement is no

longer in contact [with the things that are moved]. For that which set

them in motion moves a certain portion of air, and this, in turn,

being moved excites motion in another portion; and so, accordingly, it

is in this way that [the bodies], whether in air or in liquids,

continue moving, until they come to a standstill.

This we must likewise assume to happen in the case of qualitative

change; for that part which [for example] has been heated by something

hot, heats [in turn] the part next to it, and this propagates the

affection continuously onwards until the process has come round to its

oint of origination. This must also happen in the organ wherein the

exercise of sense-perception takes place, since sense-perception, as

realized in actual perceiving, is a mode of qualitative change. This

explains why the affection continues in the sensory organs, both in

their deeper and in their more superficial parts, not merely while

they are actually engaged in perceiving, but even after they have

ceased to do so. That they do this, indeed, is obvious in cases

where we continue for some time engaged in a particular form of

perception, for then, when we shift the scene of our perceptive

activity, the previous affection remains; for instance, when we have

turned our gaze from sunlight into darkness. For the result of this is

that one sees nothing, owing to the excited by the light still

subsisting in our eyes. Also, when we have looked steadily for a

long while at one colour, e.g. at white or green, that to which we

next transfer our gaze appears to be of the same colour. Again if,

after having looked at the sun or some other brilliant object, we

close the eyes, then, if we watch carefully, it appears in a right

line with the direction of vision (whatever this may be), at first

in its own colour; then it changes to crimson, next to purple, until

it becomes black and disappears. And also when persons turn away

from looking at objects in motion, e.g. rivers, and especially those

which flow very rapidly, they find that the visual stimulations

still present themselves, for the things really at rest are then

seen moving: persons become very deaf after hearing loud noises, and

after smelling very strong odours their power of smelling is impaired;

and similarly in other cases. These phenomena manifestly take place in

the way above described.

That the sensory organs are acutely sensitive to even a slight

qualitative difference [in their objects] is shown by what happens

in the case of mirrors; a subject to which, even taking it

independently, one might devote close consideration and inquiry. At

the same time it becomes plain from them that as the eye [in seeing]

is affected [by the object seen], so also it produces a certain effect

upon it. If a woman chances during her menstrual period to look into a

highly polished mirror, the surface of it will grow cloudy with a

blood-coloured haze. It is very hard to remove this stain from a new

mirror, but easier to remove from an older mirror. As we have said

before, the cause of this lies in the fact that in the act of sight

there occurs not only a passion in the sense organ acted on by the

polished surface, but the organ, as an agent, also produces an action,

as is proper to a brilliant object. For sight is the property of an

organ possessing brilliance and colour. The eyes, therefore, have

their proper action as have other parts of the body. Because it is

natural to the eye to be filled with blood-vessels, a woman's eyes,

during the period of menstrual flux and inflammation, will undergo a

change, although her husband will not note this since his seed is of

the same nature as that of his wife. The surrounding atmosphere,

through which operates the action of sight, and which surrounds the

mirror also, will undergo a change of the same sort that occurred

shortly before in the woman's eyes, and hence the surface of the

mirror is likewise affected. And as in the case of a garment, the

cleaner it is the more quickly it is soiled, so the same holds true in

the case of the mirror. For anything that is clean will show quite

clearly a stain that it chances to receive, and the cleanest object

shows up even the slightest stain. A bronze mirror, because of its

shininess, is especially sensitive to any sort of contact (the

movement of the surrounding air acts upon it like a rubbing or

pressing or wiping); on that account, therefore, what is clean will

show up clearly the slightest touch on its surface. It is hard to

cleanse smudges off new mirrors because the stain penetrates deeply

and is suffused to all parts; it penetrates deeply because the

mirror is not a dense medium, and is suffused widely because of the

smoothness of the object. On the other hand, in the case of old

mirrors, stains do not remain because they do not penetrate deeply,

but only smudge the surface.

From this therefore it is plain that stimulatory motion is set up

even by slight differences, and that sense-perception is quick to

respond to it; and further that the organ which perceives colour is

not only affected by its object, but also reacts upon it. Further

evidence to the same point is afforded by what takes place in wines,

and in the manufacture of unguents. For both oil, when prepared, and

wine become rapidly infected by the odours of the things near them;

they not only acquire the odours of the things thrown into or mixed

with them, but also those of the things which are placed, or which

grow, near the vessels containing them.

In order to answer our original question, let us now, therefore,

assume one proposition, which is clear from what precedes, viz. that

even when the external object of perception has departed, the

impressions it has made persist, and are themselves objects of

perception: and [let us assume], besides, that we are easily

deceived respecting the operations of sense-perception when we are

excited by emotions, and different persons according to their

different emotions; for example, the coward when excited by fear,

the amorous person by amorous desire; so that, with but little

resemblance to go upon, the former thinks he sees his foes

approaching, the latter, that he sees the object of his desire; and

the more deeply one is under the influence of the emotion, the less

similarity is required to give rise to these illusory impressions.

Thus too, both in fits of anger, and also in all states of appetite,

all men become easily deceived, and more so the more their emotions

are excited. This is the reason too why persons in the delirium of

fever sometimes think they see animals on their chamber walls, an

illusion arising from the faint resemblance to animals of the markings

thereon when put together in patterns; and this sometimes

corresponds with the emotional states of the sufferers, in such a

way that, if the latter be not very ill, they know well enough that it

is an illusion; but if the illness is more severe they actually move

according to the appearances. The cause of these occurrences is that

the faculty in virtue of which the controlling sense judges is not

identical with that in virtue of which presentations come before the

mind. A proof of this is, that the sun presents itself as only a

foot in diameter, though often something else gainsays the

presentation. Again, when the fingers are crossed, the one object

[placed between them] is felt [by the touch] as two; but yet we deny

that it is two; for sight is more authoritative than touch. Yet, if

touch stood alone, we should actually have pronounced the one object

to be two. The ground of such false judgements is that any appearances

whatever present themselves, not only when its object stimulates a

sense, but also when the sense by itself alone is stimulated, provided

only it be stimulated in the same manner as it is by the object. For

example, to persons sailing past the land seems to move, when it is

really the eye that is being moved by something else [the moving ship.]

3


From this it is manifest that the stimulatory movements based upon

sensory impressions, whether the latter are derived from external

objects or from causes within the body, present themselves not only

when persons are awake, but also then, when this affection which is

called sleep has come upon them, with even greater impressiveness. For

by day, while the senses and the intellect are working together,

they (i.e. such movements) are extruded from consciousness or

obscured, just as a smaller is beside a larger fire, or as small

beside great pains or pleasures, though, as soon as the latter have

ceased, even those which are trifling emerge into notice. But by night

[i.e. in sleep] owing to the inaction of the particular senses, and

their powerlessness to realize themselves, which arises from the

reflux of the hot from the exterior parts to the interior, they

[i.e. the above 'movements'] are borne in to the head quarters of

sense-perception, and there display themselves as the disturbance

(of waking life) subsides. We must suppose that, like the little

eddies which are being ever formed in rivers, so the sensory movements

are each a continuous process, often remaining like what they were

when first started, but often, too, broken into other forms by

collisions with obstacles. This [last mentioned point], moreover,

gives the reason why no dreams occur in sleep immediately after meals,

or to sleepers who are extremely young, e.g. to infants. The

internal movement in such cases is excessive, owing to the heat

generated from the food. Hence, just as in a liquid, if one vehemently

disturbs it, sometimes no reflected image appears, while at other

times one appears, indeed, but utterly distorted, so as to seem

quite unlike its original; while, when once the motion has ceased, the

reflected images are clear and plain; in the same manner during

sleep the phantasms, or residuary movements, which are based upon

the sensory impressions, become sometimes quite obliterated by the

above described motion when too violent; while at other times the

sights are indeed seen, but confused and weird, and the dreams

[which then appear] are unhealthy, like those of persons who are

atrabilious, or feverish, or intoxicated with wine. For all such

affections, being spirituous, cause much commotion and disturbance. In

sanguineous animals, in proportion as the blood becomes calm, and as

its purer are separated from its less pure elements, the fact that the

movement, based on impressions derived from each of the organs of

sense, is preserved in its integrity, renders the dreams healthy,

causes a [clear] image to present itself, and makes the dreamer think,

owing to the effects borne in from the organ of sight, that he

actually sees, and owing to those which come from the organ of

hearing, that he really hears; and so on with those also which proceed

from the other sensory organs. For it is owing to the fact that the

movement which reaches the primary organ of sense comes from them,

that one even when awake believes himself to see, or hear, or

otherwise perceive; just as it is from a belief that the organ of

sight is being stimulated, though in reality not so stimulated, that

we sometimes erroneously declare ourselves to see, or that, from the

fact that touch announces two movements, we think that the one

object is two. For, as a rule, the governing sense affirms the

report of each particular sense, unless another particular sense, more

authoritative, makes a contradictory report. In every case an

appearance presents itself, but what appears does not in every case

seem real, unless when the deciding faculty is inhibited, or does

not move with its proper motion. Moreover, as we said that different

men are subject to illusions, each according to the different

emotion present in him, so it is that the sleeper, owing to sleep, and

to the movements then going on in his sensory organs, as well as to

the other facts of the sensory process, [is liable to illusion], so

that the dream presentation, though but little like it, appears as

some actual given thing. For when one is asleep, in proportion as most

of the blood sinks inwards to its fountain [the heart], the internal

[sensory] movements, some potential, others actual accompany it

inwards. They are so related [in general] that, if anything move the

blood, some one sensory movement will emerge from it, while if this

perishes another will take its place; while to one another also they

are related in the same way as the artificial frogs in water which

severally rise [in fixed succesion] to the surface in the order in

which the salt [which keeps them down] becomes dissolved. The

residuary movements are like these: they are within the soul

potentially, but actualize themselves only when the impediment to

their doing so has been relaxed; and according as they are thus set

free, they begin to move in the blood which remains in the sensory

organs, and which is now but scanty, while they possess verisimilitude

after the manner of cloud-shapes, which in their rapid metamorphoses

one compares now to human beings and a moment afterwards to

centaurs. Each of them is however, as has been said, the remnant of

a sensory impression taken when sense was actualizing itself; and when

this, the true impression, has departed, its remnant is still

immanent, and it is correct to say of it, that though not actually

Koriskos, it is like Koriskos. For when the person was actually

perceiving, his controlling and judging sensory faculty did not call

it Koriskos, but, prompted by this [impression], called the genuine

person yonder Koriskos. Accordingly, this sensory impulse, which, when

actually perceiving, it [the controlling faculty] describes (unless

completely inhibited by the blood), it now [in dreams] when

quasi-perceiving, receives from the movements persisting in the

sense-organs, and mistakes it-an impulse that is merely like the

true [objective] impression-for the true impression itself, while

the effect of sleep is so great that it causes this mistake to pass

unnoticed. Accordingly, just as if a finger be inserted beneath the

eyeball without being observed, one object will not only present two

visual images, but will create an opinion of its being two objects;

while if it [the finger] be observed, the presentation will be the

same, but the same opinion will not be formed of it; exactly so it

is in states of sleep: if the sleeper perceives that he is asleep, and

is conscious of the sleeping state during which the perception comes

before his mind, it presents itself still, but something within him

speaks to this effect: 'the image of Koriskos presents itself, but the

real Koriskos is not present'; for often, when one is asleep, there is

something in consciousness which declares that what then presents

itself is but a dream. If, however, he is not aware of being asleep,

there is nothing which will contradict the testimony of the bare

presentation.

That what we here urge is true, i.e. that there are such

presentative movements in the sensory organs, any one may convince

himself, if he attends to and tries to remember the affections we

experience when sinking into slumber or when being awakened. He will

sometimes, in the moment of awakening, surprise the images which

present themselves to him in sleep, and find that they are really

but movements lurking in the organs of sense. And indeed some very

young persons, if it is dark, though looking with wide open eyes,

see multitudes of phantom figures moving before them, so that they

often cover up their heads in terror.

From all this, then, the conclusion to be drawn is, that the dream

is a sort of presentation, and, more particularly, one which occurs in

sleep; since the phantoms just mentioned are not dreams, nor is any

other a dream which presents itself when the sense-perceptions are

in a state of freedom. Nor is every presentation which occurs in sleep

necessarily a dream. For in the first place, some persons [when

asleep] actually, in a certain way, perceive sounds, light, savour,

and contact; feebly, however, and, as it were, remotely. For there

have been cases in which persons while asleep, but with the eyes

partly open, saw faintly in their sleep (as they supposed) the light

of a lamp, and afterwards, on being awakened, straightway recognized

it as the actual light of a real lamp; while, in other cases,

persons who faintly heard the crowing of cocks or the barking of

dogs identified these clearly with the real sounds as soon as they

awoke. Some persons, too, return answers to questions put to them in

sleep. For it is quite possible that, of waking or sleeping, while the

one is present in the ordinary sense, the other also should be present

in a certain way. But none of these occurrences should be called a

dream. Nor should the true thoughts, as distinct from the mere

presentations, which occur in sleep [be called dreams]. The dream

proper is a presentation based on the movement of sense impressions,

when such presentation occurs during sleep, taking sleep in the strict

sense of the term.

There are cases of persons who in their whole lives have never had a

dream, while others dream when considerably advanced in years,

having never dreamed before. The cause of their not having dreams

appears somewhat like that which operates in the case of infants, and

[that which operates] immediately after meals. It is intelligible

enough that no dream-presentation should occur to persons whose

natural constitution is such that in them copious evaporation is borne

upwards, which, when borne back downwards, causes a large quantity of

motion. But it is not surprising that, as age advances, a dream should

at length appear to them. Indeed, it is inevitable that, as a change

is wrought in them in proportion to age or emotional experience, this

reversal [from non-dreaming to dreaming] should occur also.

THE END


350 BC

ON THE GENERATION OF ANIMALS

by Aristotle

translated by Arthur Platt

Book I

1


WE have now discussed the other parts of animals, both generally and

with reference to the peculiarities of each kind, explaining how

each part exists on account of such a cause, and I mean by this the

final cause.

There are four causes underlying everything: first, the final cause,

that for the sake of which a thing exists; secondly, the formal cause,

the definition of its essence (and these two we may regard pretty

much as one and the same); thirdly, the material; and fourthly, the

moving principle or efficient cause.

We have then already discussed the other three causes, for the

definition and the final cause are the same, and the material of

animals is their parts of the whole animal the non-homogeneous

parts, of these again the homogeneous, and of these last the so-called

elements of all matter. It remains to speak of those parts which

contribute to the generation of animals and of which nothing

definite has yet been said, and to explain what is the moving or

efficient cause. To inquire into this last and to inquire into the

generation of each animal is in a way the same thing; and,

therefore, my plan has united them together, arranging the

discussion of these parts last, and the beginning of the question of

generation next to them.

Now some animals come into being from the union of male and

female, i.e. all those kinds of animal which possess the two sexes.

This is not the case with all of them; though in the sanguinea with

few exceptions the creature, when its growth is complete, is either

male or female, and though some bloodless animals have sexes so that

they generate offspring of the same kind, yet other bloodless

animals generate indeed, but not offspring of the same kind; such

are all that come into being not from a union of the sexes, but from

decaying earth and excrements. To speak generally, if we take all

animals which change their locality, some by swimming, others by

flying, others by walking, we find in these the two sexes, not only in

the sanguinea but also in some of the bloodless animals; and this

applies in the case of the latter sometimes to the whole class, as the

cephalopoda and crustacea, but in the class of insects only to the

majority. Of these, all which are produced by union of animals of

the same kind generate also after their kind, but all which are not

produced by animals, but from decaying matter, generate indeed, but

produce another kind, and the offspring is neither male nor female;

such are some of the insects. This is what might have been expected,

for if those animals which are not produced by parents had

themselves united and produced others, then their offspring must

have been either like or unlike to themselves. If like, then their

parents ought to have come into being in the same way; this is only

a reasonable postulate to make, for it is plainly the case with

other animals. If unlike, and yet able to copulate, then there would

have come into being again from them another kind of creature and

again another from these, and this would have gone on to infinity. But

Nature flies from the infinite, for the infinite is unending or

imperfect, and Nature ever seeks an end.

But all those creatures which do not move, as the testacea and

animals that live by clinging to something else, inasmuch as their

nature resembles that of plants, have no sex any more than plants

have, but as applied to them the word is only used in virtue of a

similarity and analogy. For there is a slight distinction of this

sort, since even in plants we find in the same kind some trees which

bear fruit and others which, while bearing none themselves, yet

contribute to the ripening of the fruits of those which do, as in

the case of the fig-tree and caprifig.

The same holds good also in plants, some coming into being from seed

and others, as it were, by the spontaneous action of Nature, arising

either from decomposition of the earth or of some parts in other

plants, for some are not formed by themselves separately but are

produced upon other trees, as the mistletoe. Plants, however, must

be investigated separately.

2


Of the generation of animals we must speak as various questions

arise in order in the case of each, and we must connect our account

with what has been said. For, as we said above, the male and female

principles may be put down first and foremost as origins of

generation, the former as containing the efficient cause of

generation, the latter the material of it. The most conclusive proof

of this is drawn from considering how and whence comes the semen;

for there is no doubt that it is out of this that those creatures

are formed which are produced in the ordinary course of Nature; but we

must observe carefully the way in which this semen actually comes into

being from the male and female. For it is just because the semen is

secreted from the two sexes, the secretion taking place in them and

from them, that they are first principles of generation. For by a male

animal we mean that which generates in another, and by a female that

which generates in itself; wherefore men apply these terms to the

macrocosm also, naming Earth mother as being female, but addressing

Heaven and the Sun and other like entities as fathers, as causing

generation.

Male and female differ in their essence by each having a separate

ability or faculty, and anatomically by certain parts; essentially the

male is that which is able to generate in another, as said above;

the female is that which is able to generate in itself and out of

which comes into being the offspring previously existing in the

parent. And since they are differentiated by an ability or faculty and

by their function, and since instruments or organs are needed for

all functioning, and since the bodily parts are the instruments or

organs to serve the faculties, it follows that certain parts must

exist for union of parents and production of offspring. And these must

differ from each other, so that consequently the male will differ from

the female. (For even though we speak of the animal as a whole as

male or female, yet really it is not male or female in virtue of the

whole of itself, but only in virtue of a certain faculty and a certain

part- just as with the part used for sight or locomotion- which part

is also plain to sense-perception.)

Now as a matter of fact such parts are in the female the so-called

uterus, in the male the testes and the penis, in all the sanguinea;

for some of them have testes and others the corresponding passages.

There are corresponding differences of male and female in all the

bloodless animals also which have this division into opposite sexes.

But if in the sanguinea it is the parts concerned in copulation that

differ primarily in their forms, we must observe that a small change

in a first principle is often attended by changes in other things

depending on it. This is plain in the case of castrated animals,

for, though only the generative part is disabled, yet pretty well

the whole form of the animal changes in consequence so much that it

seems to be female or not far short of it, and thus it is clear than

an animal is not male or female in virtue of an isolated part or an

isolated faculty. Clearly, then, the distinction of sex is a first

principle; at any rate, when that which distinguishes male and

female suffers change, many other changes accompany it, as would be

the case if a first principle is changed.

3


The sanguinea are not all alike as regards testes and uterus. Taking

the former first, we find that some of them have not testes at all, as

the classes of fish and of serpents, but only two spermatic ducts.

Others have testes indeed, but internally by the loin in the region of

the kidneys, and from each of these a duct, as in the case of those

animals which have no testes at all, these ducts unite also as with

those animals; this applies (among animals breathing air and having a

lung) to all birds and oviparous quadrupeds. For all these have their

testes internal near the loin, and two ducts from these in the same

way as serpents; I mean the lizards and tortoises and all the scaly

reptiles. But all the vivipara have their testes in front; some of

them inside at the end of the abdomen, as the dolphin, not with

ducts but with a penis projecting externally from them; others

outside, either pendent as in man or towards the fundament as in

swine. They have been discriminated more accurately in the Enquiries

about Animals.

The uterus is always double, just as the testes are always two in

the male. It is situated either near the pudendum (as in women, and

all those animals which bring forth alive not only externally but also

internally, and all fish that lay eggs externally) or up towards

the hypozoma (as in all birds and in viviparous fishes). The

uterus is also double in the crustacea and the cephalopoda, for the

membranes which include their so-called eggs are of the nature of a

uterus. It is particularly hard to distinguish in the case of the

poulps, so that it seems to be single, but the reason of this is

that the bulk of the body is everywhere similar.

It is double also in the larger insects; in the smaller the question

is uncertain owing to the small size of the body.

Such is the description of the aforesaid parts of animals.

4


With regard to the difference of the spermatic organs in males, if

we are to investigate the causes of their existence, we must first

grasp the final cause of the testes. Now if Nature makes everything

either because it is necessary or because it is better so, this part

also must be for one of these two reasons. But that it is not

necessary for generation is plain; else had it been possessed by all

creatures that generate, but as it is neither serpents have testes nor

have fish; for they have been seen uniting and with their ducts full

of milt. It remains then that it must be because it is somehow

better so. Now it is true that the business of most animals is, you

may say, nothing else than to produce young, as the business of a

plant is to produce seed and fruit. But still as, in the case of

nutriment, animals with straight intestines are more violent in

their desire for food, so those which have not testes but only

ducts, or which have them indeed but internally, are all quicker in

accomplishing copulation. But those which are to be more temperate

in the one case have not straight intestines, and in the other have

their ducts twisted to prevent their desire being too violent and

hasty. It is for this that the testes are contrived; for they make the

movement of the spermatic secretion steadier, preserving the folding

back of the passages in the vivipara, as horses and the like, and in

man. (For details see the Enquiries about Animals.) For the testes

are no part of the ducts but are only attached to them, as women

fasten stones to the loom when weaving; if they are removed the

ducts are drawn up internally, so that castrated animals are unable to

generate; if they were not drawn up they would be able, and before now

a bull mounting immediately after castration has caused conception

in the cow because the ducts had not yet been drawn up. In birds and

oviparous quadrupeds the testes receive the spermatic secretion, so

that its expulsion is slower than in fishes. This is clear in the case

of birds, for their testes are much enlarged at the time of

copulation, and all those which pair at one season of the year have

them so small when this is past that they are almost indiscernible,

but during the season they are very large. When the testes are

internal the act of copulation is quicker than when they are external,

for even in the latter case the semen is not emitted before the testes

are drawn up.

5


Besides, quadrupeds have the organ of copulation, since it is

possible for them to have it, but for birds and the footless animals

it is not possible, because the former have their legs under the

middle of the abdomen and the latter have no legs at all; now the

penis depends from that region and is situated there. (Wherefore also

the legs are strained in intercourse, both the penis and the legs

being sinewy.) So that, since it is not possible for them to have

this organ, they must necessarily either have no testes also, or at

any rate not have them there, as those animals that have both penis

and testes have them in the same situation.

Further, with those animals at any rate that have external testes,

the semen is collected together before emission, and emission is due

to the penis being heated by its movement; it is not ready for

emission at immediate contact as in fishes.

All the vivipira have their testes in front, internally or

externally, except the hedgehog; he alone has them near the loin. This

is for the same reason as with birds, because their union must be

quick, for the hedgehog does not, like the other quadrupeds, mount

upon the back of the female, but they conjugate standing upright

because of their spines.

So much for the reasons why those animals have testes which have

them, and why they are sometimes external and sometimes internal.

6


All those animals which have no testes are deficient in this part,

as has been said, not because it is better to be so but simply because

of necessity, and secondly because it is necessary that their

copulation should be speedy. Such is the nature of fish and

serpents. Fish copulate throwing themselves alongside of the females

and separating again quickly. For as men and all such creatures must

hold their breath before emitting the semen, so fish at such times

must cease taking in the sea-water, and then they perish easily.

Therefore they must not mature the semen during copulation, as

viviparous land-animals do, but they have it all matured together

before the time, so as not to be maturing it while in contact but to

emit it ready matured. So they have no testes, and the ducts are

straight and simple. There is a small part similar to this connected

with the testes in the system of quadrupeds, for part of the reflected

duct is sanguineous and part is not; the fluid is already semen when

it is received by and passes through this latter part, so that once it

has arrived there it is soon emitted in these quadrupeds also. Now

in fishes the whole passage resembles the last section of the

reflected part of the duct in man and similar animals.

7


Serpents copulate twining round one another, and, as said above,

have neither testes nor penis, the latter because they have no legs,

the former because of their length, but they have ducts like for on

account of their extreme length the seminal fluid would take too

long in its passage and be cooled if it were further delayed by

testes. (This happens also if the penis is large; such men are less

fertile than when it is smaller because the semen, if cold, is not

generative, and that which is carried too far is cooled.) So much for

the reason why some animals have testes and others not. Serpents

intertwine because of their inaptitude to cast themselves alongside of

one another. For they are too long to unite closely with so small a

part and have no organs of attachment, so they make use of the

suppleness of their bodies, intertwining. Wherefore also they seem

to be slower in copulation than fish, not only on account of the

length of the ducts but also of this elaborate arrangement in uniting.

8


It is not easy to state the facts about the uterus in female

animals, for there are many points of difference. The vivipara are not

alike in this part; women and all the vivipara with feet have the

uterus low down by the pudendum, but the cartilaginous viviparous fish

have it higher up near the hypozoma. In the ovipara, again, it is

low in fish (as in women and the viviparous quadrupeds), high in

birds and all oviparous quadrupeds. Yet even these differences are

on a principle. To begin with the ovipara, they differ in the manner

of laying their eggs, for some produce them imperfect, as fishes whose

eggs increase and are finally developed outside of them. The reason is

that they produce many young, and this is their function as it is with

plants. If then they perfected the egg in themselves they must needs

be few in number, but as it is, they have so many that each uterus

seems to be an egg, at any rate in the small fishes. For these are the

most productive, just as with the other animals and plants whose

nature is analogous to theirs, for the increase of size turns with

them to seed.

But the eggs of birds and the quadrupedal ovipara are perfect when

produced. In order that these may be preserved they must have a hard

covering (for their envelope is soft so long as they are increasing

in size), and the shell is made by heat squeezing out the moisture

for the earthy material; consequently the place must be hot in which

this is to happen. But the part about the hypozoma is hot, as is shown

by that being the part which concocts the food. If then the eggs

must be within the uterus, then the uterus must be near the hypozoma

in those creatures which produce their eggs in a perfect form.

Similarly it must be low down in those which produce them imperfect,

for it is profitable that it should be so. And it is more natural

for the uterus to be low down than high up, when Nature has no other

business in hand to hinder it; for its end is low down, and where is

the end, there is the function, and the uterus itself is naturally

where the function is.

9


We find differences in the vivipara also as compared with one

another. Some produce their young alive, not only externally, but also

internally, as men, horses, dogs, and all those which have hair, and

among aquatic animals, dolphins, whales, and such cetacea.

10


But the cartilaginous fish and the vipers produce their young

alive externally, but first produce eggs internally. The egg is

perfect, for so only can an animal be generated from an egg, and

nothing comes from an imperfect one. It is because they are of a

cold nature, not hot as some assert, that they do not lay their eggs

externally.

11


At least they certainly produce their eggs in a soft envelope, the

reason being that they have but little heat and so their nature does

not complete the process of drying the egg-shell. Because, then,

they are cold they produce soft-shelled eggs, and because the eggs are

soft they do not produce them externally; for that would have caused

their destruction.

The process is for the most part the same as in birds, for the egg

descends and the young is hatched from it near the vagina, where the

young is produced in those animals which are viviparous from the

beginning. Therefore in such animals the uterus is dissimilar to

that of both the vivipara and ovipara, because they participate in

both classes; for it is at once near the hypozoma and also

stretching along downwards in all the cartilaginous fishes. But the

facts about this and the other kinds of uterus must be gathered from

inspection of the drawings of dissections and from the Enquiries.

Thus, because they are oviparous, laying perfect eggs, they have the

uterus placed high, but, as being viviparous, low, participating in

both classes.

Animals that are viviparous from the beginning all have it low,

Nature here having no other business to interfere with her, and

their production having no double character. Besides this, it is

impossible for animals to be produced alive near the hypozoma, for the

foetus must needs be heavy and move, and that region in the mother

is vital and would not be able to bear the weight and the movement.

Thirdly, parturition would be difficult because of the length of the

passage to be traversed; even as it is there is difficulty with

women if they draw up the uterus in parturition by yawning or anything

of the kind, and even when empty it causes a feeling of suffocation if

moved upwards. For if a uterus is to hold a living animal it must be

stronger than in ovipara, and therefore in all the vivipara it is

fleshy, whereas when the uterus is near the hypozoma it is membranous.

And this is clear also in the case of the animals which produce

young by the mixed method, for their eggs are high up and sideways,

but the living young are produced in the lower part of the uterus.

So much for the reason why differences are found in the uterus of

various animals, and generally why it is low in some and high in

others near the hypozoma.

12


Why is the uterus always internal, but the testes sometimes

internal, sometimes external? The reason for the uterus always being

internal is that in this is contained the egg or foetus, which needs

guarding, shelter, and maturation by concoction, while the outer

surface of the body is easily injured and cold. The testes vary in

position because they also need shelter and a covering to preserve

them and to mature the semen; for it would be impossible for them,

if chilled and stiffened, to be drawn up and discharge it.

Therefore, whenever the testes are visible, they have a cuticular

covering known as the scrotum. If the nature of the skin is opposed to

this, being too hard to be adapted for enclosing them or for being

soft like a true 'skin', as with the scaly integument of fish and

reptiles, then the testes must needs be internal. Therefore they are

so in dolphins and all the cetacea which have them, and in the

oviparous quadrupeds among the scaly animals. The skin of birds also

is hard so that it will not conform to the size of anything and

enclose it neatly. (This is another reason with all these animals for

their testes being internal besides those previously mentioned as

arising necessarily from the details of copulation.) For the same

reason they are internal in the elephant and hedgehog, for the skin of

these, too, is not well suited to keep the protective part separate.

[The position of the uterus differs in animals viviparous within

themselves and those externally oviparous, and in the latter class

again it differs in those which have the uterus low and those which

have it near the hypozoma, as in fishes compared with birds and

oviparous quadrupeds. And it is different again in those which produce

young in both ways, being oviparous internally and viviparous

externally. For those which are viviparous both internally and

externally have the uterus placed on the abdomen, as men, cattle,

dogs, and the like, since it is expedient for the safety and growth of

the foetus that no weight should be upon the uterus.]

13


The passages also are different through which the solid and liquid

excreta pass out in all the vivipara. Wherefore both males and females

in this class all have a part whereby the urine is voided, and this

serves also for the issue of the semen in males, of the offspring in

females. This passage is situated above and in front of the passage of

the solid excreta. The passage is the same as that of the solid

nutriment in all those animals that have no penis, in all the ovipara,

even those of them that have a bladder, as the tortoises. For it is

for the sake of generation, not for the evacuation of the urine,

that the passages are double; but because the semen is naturally

liquid, the liquid excretion also shares the same passage. This is

clear from the fact that all animals produce semen, but all do not

void liquid excrement. Now the spermatic passages of the male must

be fixed and must not wander, and the same applies to the uterus of

the female, and this fixing must take place at either the front or the

back of the body. To take the uterus first, it is in the front of

the body in vivipara because of the foetus, but at the loin and the

back in ovipara. All animals which are internally oviparous and

externally viviparous are in an intermediate condition because they

participate in both classes, being at once oviparous and viviparous.

For the upper part of the uterus, where the eggs are produced, is

under the hypozoma by the loin and the back, but as it advances is low

at the abdomen; for it is in that part that the animal is

viviparous. In these also the passage for solid excrement and for

copulation is the same, for none of these, as has been said already,

has a separate pudendum.

The same applies to the passages in the male, whether they have

testes or no, as to the uterus of the ovipara. For in all of them, not

only in the ovipara, the ducts adhere to the back and the region of

the spine. For they must not wander but be settled, and that is the

character of the region of the back, which gives continuity and

stability. Now in those which have internal testes, the ducts are

fixed from the first, and they are fixed in like manner if the

testes are external; then they meet together towards the region of the

penis.

The like applies to the ducts in the dolphins, but they have their

testes hidden under the abdominal cavity.

We have now discussed the situation of the parts contributing to

generation, and the causes thereof.

14


The bloodless animals do not agree either with the sanguinea or with

each other in the fashion of the parts contributing to generation.

There are four classes still left to deal with, first the crustacea,

secondly the cephalopoda, thirdly the insects, and fourthly the

testacea. We cannot be certain about all of them, but that most of

them copulate is plain; in what manner they unite must be stated

later.

The crustacea copulate like the retromingent quadrupeds, fitting

their tails to one another, the one supine and the other prone. For

the flaps attached to the sides of the tail being long prevent them

from uniting with the belly against the back. The males have fine

spermatic ducts, the females a membranous uterus alongside the

intestine, cloven on each side, in which the egg is produced.

15


The cephalopoda entwine together at the mouth, pushing against one

another and enfolding their arms. This attitude is necessary,

because Nature has bent backwards the end of the intestine and brought

it round near the mouth, as has been said before in the treatise on

the parts of animals. The female has a part corresponding to the

uterus, plainly to be seen in each of these animals, for it contains

an egg which is at first indivisible to the eye but afterwards

splits up into many; each of these eggs is imperfect when deposited,

as with the oviparous fishes. In the cephalopoda (as also in the

crustacea) the same passage serves to void the excrement and leads to

the part like a uterus, for the male discharges the seminal fluid

through this passage. And it is on the lower surface of the body,

where the mantle is open and the sea-water enters the cavity. Hence

the union of the male with the female takes place at this point, for

it is necessary, if the male discharges either semen or a part of

himself or any other force, that he should unite with her at the

uterine passage. But the insertion, in the case of the poulps, of

the arm of the male into the funnel of the female, by which arm the

fishermen say the male copulates with her, is only for the sake of

attachment, and it is not an organ useful for generation, for it is

outside the passage in the male and indeed outside the body of the

male altogether.

Sometimes also cephalopoda unite by the male mounting on the back of

the female, but whether for generation or some other cause has not yet

been observed.

16


Some insects copulate and the offspring are produced from animals of

the same name, just as with the sanguinea; such are the locusts,

cicadae, spiders, wasps, and ants. Others unite indeed and generate;

but the result is not a creature of the same kind, but only a

scolex, and these insects do not come into being from animals but from

putrefying matter, liquid or solid; such are fleas, flies, and

cantharides. Others again are neither produced from animals nor

unite with each other; such are gnats, 'conopes', and many similar

kinds. In most of those which unite the female is larger than the

male. The males do not appear to have spermatic passages. In most

cases the male does not insert any part into the female, but the

female from below upwards into the male; this has been observed in

many cases (as also that the male mounts the female), the opposite

in few cases; but observations are not yet comprehensive enough to

enable us to make a distinction of classes. And generally it is the

rule with most of the oviparous fish and oviparous quadrupeds that the

female is larger than the because this is expedient in view of the

increase of bulk in conception by reason of the eggs. In the female

the part analogous to the uterus is cleft and extends along the

intestine, as with the other animals; in this are produced the results

of conception. This is clear in locusts and all other large insects

whose nature it is to unite; most insects are too small to be observed

in this respect.

Such is the character of the generative organs in animals which were

not spoken of before. It remains now to speak of the homogeneous parts

concerned, the seminal fluid and milk. We will take the former

first, and treat of milk afterwards.

17


Some animals manifestly emit semen, as all the sanguinea, but

whether the insects and cephalopoda do so is uncertain. Therefore this

is a question to be considered, whether all males do so, or not all;

and if not all, why some do and some not; and whether the female

also contributes any semen or not; and, if not semen, whether she does

not contribute anything else either, or whether she contributes

something else which is not semen. We must also inquire what those

animals which emit semen contribute by means of it to generation,

and generally what is the nature of semen, and of the so-called

catamenia in all animals which discharge this liquid.

Now it is thought that all animals are generated out of semen, and

that the semen comes from the parents. Wherefore it is part of the

same inquiry to ask whether both male and female produce it or only

one of them, and to ask whether it comes from the whole of the body or

not from the whole; for if the latter is true it is reasonable to

suppose that it does not come from both parents either. Accordingly,

since some say that it comes from the whole of the body, we must

investigate this question first.

The proofs from which it can be argued that the semen comes from

each and every part of the body may be reduced to four. First, the

intensity of the pleasure of coition; for the same state of feeling is

more pleasant if multiplied, and that which affects all the parts is

multiplied as compared with that which affects only one or a few.

Secondly, the alleged fact that mutilations are inherited, for they

argue that since the parent is deficient in this part the semen does

not come from thence, and the result is that the corresponding part is

not formed in the offspring. Thirdly, the resemblances to the parents,

for the young are born like them part for part as well as in the whole

body; if then the coming of the semen from the whole body is cause

of the resemblance of the whole, so the parts would be like because it

comes from each of the parts. Fourthly, it would seem to be reasonable

to say that as there is some first thing from which the whole

arises, so it is also with each of the parts, and therefore if semen

or seed is cause of the whole so each of the parts would have a seed

peculiar to itself. And these opinions are plausibly supported by such

evidence as that children are born with a likeness to their parents,

not in congenital but also in acquired characteristics; for before

now, when the parents have had scars, the children have been born with

a mark in the form of the scar in the same place, and there was a case

at Chalcedon where the father had a brand on his arm and the letter

was marked on the child, only confused and not clearly articulated.

That is pretty much the evidence on which some believe that the

semen comes from all the body.

18


On examining the question, however, the opposite appears more

likely, for it is not hard to refute the above arguments and the

view involves impossibilities. First, then, the resemblance of

children to parents is no proof that the semen comes from the whole

body, because the resemblance is found also in voice, nails, hair, and

way of moving, from which nothing comes. And men generate before

they yet have certain characters, such as a beard or grey hair.

Further, children are like their more remote ancestors from whom

nothing has come, for the resemblances recur at an interval of many

generations, as in the case of the woman in Elis who had intercourse

with the Aethiop; her daughter was not an Aethiop but the son of

that daughter was. The same thing applies also to plants, for it is

clear that if this theory were true the seed would come from all parts

of plants also; but often a plant does not possess one part, and

another part may be removed, and a third grows afterwards. Besides,

the seed does not come from the pericarp, and yet this also comes into

being with the same form as in the parent plant.

We may also ask whether the semen comes from each of the homogeneous

parts only, such as flesh and bone and sinew, or also from the

heterogeneous, such as face and hands. For if from the former only, we

object that resemblance exists rather in the heterogeneous parts, such

as face and hands and feet; if then it is not because of the semen

coming from all parts that children resemble their parents in these,

what is there to stop the homogeneous parts also from being like for

some other reason than this? If the semen comes from the heterogeneous

alone, then it does not come from all parts; but it is more fitting

that it should come from the homogeneous parts, for they are prior

to the heterogeneous which are composed of them; and as children are

born like their parents in face and hands, so they are, necessarily,

in flesh and nails. If the semen comes from both, what would be the

manner of generation? For the heteroeneous parts are composed of the

homogneous, so that to come from the former would be to come from

the latter and from their composition. To make this clearer by an

illustration, take a written name; if anything came from the whole

of it, it would be from each of the syllables, and if from these, from

the letters and their composition. So that if really flesh and bones

are composed of fire and the like elements, the semen would come

rather from the elements than anything else, for how can it come

from their composition? Yet without this composition there would be no

resemblance. If again something creates this composition later, it

would be this that would be the cause of the resemblance, not the

coming of the semen from every part of the body.

Further, if the parts of the future animal are separated in the

semen, how do they live? and if they are connected, they would form

a small animal.

And what about the generative parts? For that which comes from the

male is not similar to what comes from the female.

Again, if the semen comes from all parts of both parents alike,

the result is two animals, for the offspring will have all the parts

of both. Wherefore Empedocles seems to say what agrees pretty well

with this view (if we are to adopt it), to a certain extent at any

rate, but to be wrong if we think otherwise. What he says agrees

with it when he declares that there is a sort of tally in the male and

female, and that the whole offspring does not come from either, 'but

sundered is the fashion of limbs, some in man's...' For why does not

the female generate from herself if the semen comes from all parts

alike and she has a receptacle ready in the uterus? But, it seems,

either it does not come from all the parts, or if it does it is in the

way Empedocles says, not the same parts coming from each parent, which

is why they need intercourse with each other.

Yet this also is impossible, just as much as it is impossible for

the parts when full grown to survive and have life in them when torn

apart, as Empedocles accounts for the creation of animals; in the time

of his 'Reign of Love', says he, 'many heads sprang up without necks,'

and later on these isolated parts combined into animals. Now that this

is impossible is plain, for neither would the separate parts be able

to survive without having any soul or life in them, nor if they were

living things, so to say, could several of them combine so as to

become one animal again. Yet those who say that semen comes from the

whole of the body really have to talk in that way, and as it

happened then in the earth during the 'Reign of Love', so it happens

according to them in the body. Now it is impossible that the parts

should be united together when they come into being and should come

from different parts of the parent, meeting together in one place.

Then how can the upper and lower, right and left, front and back parts

have been 'sundered'? All these points are unintelligible. Further,

some parts are distinguished by possessing a faculty, others by

being in certain states or conditions; the heterogeneous, as tongue

and hand, by the faculty of doing something, the homogeneous by

hardness and softness and the other similar states. Blood, then,

will not be blood, nor flesh flesh, in any and every state. It is

clear, then, that that which comes from any part, as blood from

blood or flesh from flesh, will not be identical with that part. But

if it is something different from which the blood of the offspring

comes, the coming of the semen from all the parts will not be the

cause of the resemblance, as is held by the supporters of this theory.

For if blood is formed from something which is not blood, it is enough

that the semen come from one part only, for why should not all the

other parts of the offspring as well as blood be formed from one

part of the parent? Indeed, this theory seems to be the same as that

of Anaxagoras, that none of the homogeneous parts come into being,

except that these theorists assume, in the case of the generation of

animals, what he assumed of the universe.

Then, again, how will these parts that came from all the body of the

parent be increased or grow? It is true that Anaxagoras plausibly says

that particles of flesh out of the food are added to the flesh. But if

we do not say this (while saying that semen comes from all parts of

the body), how will the foetus become greater by the addition of

something else if that which is added remain unchanged? But if that

which is added can change, then why not say that the semen from the

very first is of such a kind that blood and flesh can be made out of

it, instead of saying that it itself is blood and flesh? Nor is

there any other alternative, for surely we cannot say that it is

increased later by a process of mixing, as wine when water is poured

into it. For in that case each element of the mixture would be

itself at first while still unmixed, but the fact rather is that flesh

and bone and each of the other parts is such later. And to say that

some part of the semen is sinew and bone is quite above us, as the

saying is.

Besides all this there is a difficulty if the sex is determined in

conception (as Empedocles says: 'it is shed in clean vessels; some

wax female, if they fall in with cold'). Anyhow, it is plain that

both men and women change not only from infertile to fertile, but also

from bearing female to bearing male offspring, which looks as if the

cause does not lie in the semen coming from all the parent or not, but

in the mutual proportion or disproportion of that comes from the woman

and the man, or in something of this kind. It is clear, then, if we

are to put this down as being so, that the female sex is not

determined by the semen coming from any particular part, and

consequently neither is the special sexual part so determined (if

really the same semen can become either male or female child, which

shows that the sexual part does not exist in the semen). Why, then,

should we assert this of this part any more than of others? For if

semen does not come from this part, the uterus, the same account may

be given of the others.

Again, some creatures come into being neither from parents of the

same kind nor from parents of a different kind, as flies and the

various kinds of what are called fleas; from these are produced

animals indeed, but not in this case of similar nature but a kind of

scolex. It is plain in this case that the young of a different kind

are not produced by semen coming from all parts of the parent, for

they would then resemble th